This chapter deals with the following cluster of questions: What is the relationship between power and knowledge? Whose knowledge counts in local environmental decisions - of the rich or poor? male or female? old or young? whose are not? Why? Is knowledge open to every one, and does its acquisition depend simply on individual aptitude in Oromo society? How does environmental knowledge transfer from one generation to another? What is the appropriate age to receive instruction concerning all aspects of life? Are there cultural limitations in the acquisition of knowledge?
Indigenous environmental knowledge is largely derived from peoples' interactions with their environment, and is equally based on the processes of social interaction. Knowledge is socially and politically constructed. To put matters another way, although the people have developed their knowledge through experimentation and observation over centuries, knowledge has been influenced by social relations of power. "Knowledge processes are embedded in social processes that imply aspects of power, authority and legitimating; and they are just as likely to reflect and contribute to the conflict between social groups as they are to lead to the establishment of common perceptions and interests" (Long and Villarea 1994, 49). In both industrialized and the so called developing countries, those who have power and the potential to decide and act with autonomy define and promote knowledge so as to fulfill their vested interests. The post-structuralist French philosopher Michel Foucault convincingly states that "the criteria of what constitutes knowledge, what is to be excluded and who is designated as qualified to know involves acts of power" (Foucault 1971). That is why Western scholars and powerful capitalist countries doubted whether the indigenous knowledge of various people in developing countries is really knowledge. Consequently, they have tried to apply modern knowledge as a model of truth to other cultures and socio-economic realities.
Similarly, those individuals who have had access and control over resources have tried to impose their will over the poor sections of the people in developing countries. In my present study, I have found out that this is common in Ambo, particularly before the 1974 revolution. The people accept the ideas of rich peasants as valid even if they talk non-sense. One of my informants states that "Sooreessi afa qodaa afa loqodaa yoo ta'eyuu Obboo abalu jedhuun; dubbiisaas ni fudhatama" (Inf: Merga Jara)--"Even if the rich is nonsensical, he is addressed as Mr. so-and-so and his argument is acceptable." Thus, wealth matters most and appears as the measure of knowledge. The Oromo said, "Namni amma jirru issati ga'a" (A person is as worthy as his/her wealth). On the other hand, the poor talks sensible things but often he is not accepted. Even the relatives and the mother of a poor person don't like him/her. As the saying goes, "Namni omaa hin qabnee fi namni harka cabaa fira hin qabu" (A person who does not have anything and a person who has a broken hand don't have relatives) (Infs: Eticha; Lami). During public discussion, the poor are advised not to speak. The following saying reflects the position of the poor in the community. "Dubbiin iyyeessaa lama: tokko karaatti hafti, tokko garaat hafti" (Inf: Erko).(The talk of the poor is two: one does not hit its target, and the other is suppressed within him). Nobody takes the argument of the poor into account. The following proverb indicates that the poor is knowledgeable. "Bishaan mishaan ganna dhufa loontu namaa hin dhugu malee, gorsi mishaa hiyyeessatu dubbata namatu jallaa hin dhageenye malee" (Pure water is in abundance during the rainy season, although cattle refuse to drink it) (BABO 1996, 22). Useful advice is available with the poor but people do not listen to them." Although the poor have a profound knowledge about the matter under discussion, she or he prefers to be silent so as to avoid embarrassment. The following proverb also reflects people's attitude towards the poor and the rich: "Sooreessi dheeraa tolaa akka jabbi argutti, deegaan gabaabaa tola akka carqiin ga'utti" "It is better for the rich to be tall so as to see his calves from afar as it is better for the poor to be short so that his cloth would cover him". This proverb suggests that the rich person control his or her environment because of his or her wealth. Whatever little things the poor own is better for him or her. Thus, there has been a hierarchical structure among the local people that has promoted superiority complex on the basis of wealth.
However, negative attitudes towards the poor have begun to change. After the 1974 revolution, poor peasants have begun to listen to one another (Infs: Erko; Fufa; Setegn).
Linked to the question of power, the Oromo culture does not seem to be favorable to women. The role of man and woman in the production and transmission of knowledge has been influenced by social relations. In Ethiopia in general and in Oromiya in particular, very few women participate in politics. The proverb "Women in the kitchen/pantry, man in the court" shows how women are excluded from politics. In Ambo, housework is supposed to be the vocation of women. It is the responsibility of the woman to provide household fuel and collect domestic water as part of the day-to-day household work. The following Oromo proverbs show that women are not knowledgeable: "Dubartiin dheertuu qabdi malee beektuu hinqabdu" (Woman can grow tall but without wisdom). "Dubartiin dubbii hintolchitu soora tolchiti" "Women cannot speak intelligently, but she can prepare good dish in the kitchen) (BABO 1998, 142). "Dubartiin beekaa dhalti malee, waan beektu hin qabdu" "A woman gives birth to knowledgeable persons, but knows nothing) (BABO 1998, 708). Moreover, the following proverbs confirm how women are often subordinated to men. "Dhiira Malee, dubartiin mana hin bulchitu" (A male and not a female administers a household) (BABO 1998, 683). "Mootiin nadheenii, bishaan ol yaafti!" (The leadership of a woman makes the water flow upwards) (BABO 1998, 445). This means that a woman cannot play a leadership role. "Dubartiifi harreen ulee jaalatti" (Woman and donkey like to be beaten). Culturally, the aggressiveness of men appeared as a token of strength. The following short folktale also demonstrates how women are despised in the Oromo society. It refers to the talk between a visually impaired old man and his neighbor.
Neighbor: A human being is walking over there.
Old Man: Who is walking over there?
Neighbor: A woman.
Old Man: Go away, a woman is not a human being (Inf: Dhuguma).
There are cases in which a woman is considered more useful than a useless man. Consider the following saying. "Heeboo gadheedhaa mannaa ulee ceekaa qarrachuu wayya, ilma yartuudhaa mannaa durba gaarii uummanii soodaatti irkachuu wayya" (It is better to have a sharpened Ceeka stick than a useless spear as it is better to beget a good girl and be supported by a son-in-law than having a useless son). It is also worth noting that there have been some attitudinal changes towards women since the 1974 Ethiopian revolution.
The foregoing discussion demonstrates that the poor and women have little say in local environmental and developmental decisions in Ambo. The poor were not allowed to improve the quality of the environment. In the past, they were forbidden to plant trees and to construct good houses. The poor thus used "the hidden transcripts of the weak" to transmit their invaluable environmental knowledge to their children. "Such hidden transcripts may be expressed openly, but in disguised form, through rumor, gossip, folktales, songs, gesture or jokes. It is only through such forms of communication that hidden voices can be given some countervailing force against more powerful actors" (Scoones and Thompson 1993, 17). Women are considered as inferior producers. Men have the right to transfer their resources to other men. In short, traditional attitudes towards the poor and women have negatively affected the natural environment.
Among non-literate people, environmental knowledge is embodied in their social norms, myths, legends, religious symbolism, folktales, arts, proverbs, folk songs, jokes, poems, riddles, dramatic rituals and so forth. These serve as data for historical reconstruction, analysis of environmental changes and environmental philosophy. As Ba convincingly argues, "oral tradition is the great school of life, all aspects of which are covered and affected by it " (Ba 1981, 168). Oromo oral literature, for instance, offers a unique opportunity to understand the historical development and transmission of environmental knowledge. The absence of a body of writing among the Oromo does not in itself mean the absence of environmental history and ethics. The Oromo convey their environmental knowledge through a variety of oral sources. "In the case of the Oromo--a corpus of oral sources can be categorized as traditions referring to historical origins, migrations, wars, and settlement" (Tesema 1994, 984), records of land heritage, moral principles, social and political life, God and the relationship between human beings and natural environment. In Ambo, fathers and mothers have a prodigious memory, and advise children to have a correct understanding of the basic rules and procedures of traditional religion. Children are advised to take blessings from their parents, to develop positive values towards the environment, to respect their parents, and their culture, to avoid immoral acts, such as telling a lie, stealing, murder, to worship Waaqa, and to plant trees. The good and bad deeds of various individuals and the respective positive and negative consequences are presented to the children (Infs: Dagaga Kana'a; Emanssa; Nagara Fite). Accordingly, environmental education begins in each and every family. The teaching and advice of the elders and fathers is largely expressed through proverbs. A proverb is considered the lifeblood of arguments. There are proverbs about proverbs. "Dubbiin mammaaksa hin qabne, ittoo soogidda hin qabneen qixeedha" (As cheese provides sausage to the bread, so does a proverb to talk) (BABO 1998, 144). "Jabbiin bifa kormaati, mammaaksi bifa dubbiiti" (Proverbs give colour to a talk as the bull father gives colour to the calf) (BABO 1998, 329).
The Oromo people urge their children to be knowledgeable and wise. The following proverbs underlie the values of knowledge for the continual existence of the society. "Dallaa ceekaa hi qabne raase qileensi, raase qileensi, lammii beekaa hin qabne nyaate bineensii, nyaate bineensi" (A fence without a strong ceekaa tree can easily be shaken by wind as a relative without knowledgeable person can easily be eaten by wild animals). The Oromo think that it is very easy to destroy people without knowledgeable person. "Gaachana gaallee hin qabne qabannaan nama dhiba, lammii beekessa hin qabne faarsuun nama dhiba" (It is difficult to use a shield without a handle as it is difficult to praise a relative without knowledgeable person). "Allaattii shanii mannaa risaa tokkicha wayya, wallaalaa shanii mannaa beekaa tokkicha wayya" (A hawk is better than five vultures as a single knowledgeable person is better than five fools). A hawk seems to be cleaner than vultures. Vultures eat rotten things, which a hawk does not eat. "Heeboo yartuudhaa mannaa hofaa qabachuu wayya, obbolaa yartuu baay'eedhaa mannaa kophaa dhalchuu wayya" (It is better to have a sharpened wood than a useless spear as it is better to be born alone than having many useless brothers and sisters). The Ambo Oromo also teach their children through the medium of stories, fables, and folktales. The following concrete story about a certain Mane Bulli, one of the leaders of Ambo Oromo in the past, is worth mentioning.
After getting very old, Obboo Mane was unable to lead his people. He thus called his clan for a meeting by preparing a splendid meal with many things to eat and drink. During deliberations, he asked his relatives the following four questions: What is death without mourning? What is shouting that does not have anybody to help? Who is loved by people without doing anything for them? Who is hated by people without hurting anybody? All of his relatives failed to answer his questions. Meanwhile he called his elder son, Banti, and informed him what was going on. His son promised to answer his father's questions. He said that sleep is the death, which does not have mourning. When one falls asleep, one cannot hear anything. Sleep is similar to death. Shouting, which does not have anybody to help, is that of cockcrow. A cock used to make a loud cry but nobody would bother about it. The one who is loved without any contribution is a little baby. Everybody likes to kiss a baby. It is an old person who is hated without causing any harm to people. Obbo Mane then asked his relatives to accept his son as the forthcoming leader, for he is too old to be a leader in the future. His relatives endorsed his suggestion (Inf: Duresso).
Oromo children are expected to gradually improve their knowledge. That means, understanding starts at an early age and develops gradually. Early childhood proper care makes a very serious difference after one has fully grown. The appropriate age to begin instruction is 7 or 8 although it is not fixed. Some children can receive instruction before or after the stated age. Some children are trained to do specific household tasks starting at age three or four; through the years girls learn cooking and cattle tending while boys learn horse riding and spear throwing. Children learn more about their environment by tending siblings and cattle, helping out in cultivation. Some children are allowed to learn about medicinal plants, hunting practices and so on. Every Oromo is expected to learn war tactics, politics, ritual, law, administration and others during various Gadaa grades. Young men enter the Gadaa or Luba at the age of 40 years with all the necessary knowledge to handle the responsibility of administering the country and the celebration of rituals. Male members of the society are required to be trained in warfare including equestrian skills, archery and the martial arts. The following proverbs emphasize the value of proper training. "Inn cadheedhaan hin beekne haarrii dhaanuu hin beeku" (One who cannot understand during his or her youth cannot understand during his or her old age). "Korma mowu gooranatti beeku" (A strong bull is known while a calf in a stable.) "Guddisa badduun, mataa jallatti" (Someone who is not brought up properly, his or her head cannot be straight) (BABO 1998, 218). "Gonfoon chalqaba baddeet murraan mataa hanqatte" (If making of a hat spoiled from the beginning, when completed, it cannot cover the head), goes an Oromo saying.
The Oromo wisely advise their children without capitalizing on their mistakes. They use proverbs to incite them to be strong and wise. It is worth considering the following proverbs and sayings: "Ennaa iriyaan qayya ulattu mana gubdi sittii fakkaatee? Ennaa iriyaan akkasitti hojjattu maal sittii fakkaatte akkasitti hin hojjattuu?" (When your peer smokes incense, do you think that she or he is burning the house? When your peer performs a good work, what do you think? Why don't you work in the same manner?). "Badhaadharra qaaniif loon tiksu, jedhe Basharee Adaamii " (A certain Bashare Adami said, before becoming wealthy one has to dare to look after cattle). The message of this saying is that one cannot be rich out of the blue. "Ilmi bara hin fakkaanne du'ee lafa haa fakkaatu, jedhe Burayoo Abbaa Gosaa" "A certain Burayoo Abbaa gosaa said, a son who does not live according to the time has to die and get buried). Burayoo was a wise man in Qellam locality, Wollaga (Tesema Ta'a, personal communication). Burayoo underscored that one has to adapt to the conditions of his time and environment. "Kan haatti maagii hin foone intalli dirii footii? Kan abbaan ofii hin goone gandi maal namaa gootii?" "Can a daughter whose mother cannot make a simple spin make the complicated one? Can neighbors help someone who does not help himself or herself?)
In fact, when the young refuse to accept the advice of their parents, elders, religious leaders and other persons, and society will criticize them. The elders urge them to appreciate their advice. They try to convey that one who understands and makes use of a story is better than a storyteller, though the latter gave birth to a story like a pregnant woman. Precisely because, if the latter fails to accept the advice, it will turn out to be worthless (Inf: Badhane). The Ambo Oromo tell fables to their children in order to emphasize that failing to accept the advise of elders will result in negative consequences. The following fable about an old hyena is an interesting example.
A certain hyena brought up three children who were called Ganama (morning), Guyyaa (day), and Galgala (evening). Eventually, the hyena got old and became weak to move from place to place. The three children then advised their father not to go out of their den, and promised to provide everything necessary for its life. One day the three children planned to look for something to eat. Ignoring their advice their father also followed them. In the meantime they saw a horse, and tried to eat it. The people then tried to chase them out of their homestead. The three children easily fled and left their father behind. The old hyena asked Ganama to wait for it. Ganama refused to do so on the ground that its father refused to accept its advise in the morning. The old hyena then asked Guyyaa the same question. Guyyaa replied that it can not help the old hyena for it has warned the former during the day. The father desperately appealed to Galgala. Nonetheless, the reaction of Galgala was similar to its brothers. It reminded the father that it has already advised it during the night. Finally, the people killed the old hyena. By ignoring the advise of its children, the old hyena disappeared for good (Inf: Duresso). This story shows the didactic and subversive function of story telling, which provides "ritual and artistic space in which it becomes relatively safe to say things which may not be acceptable if said directly and without `masks' " (Bennet and Cross 1993, 44).
What has been discussed so far confirms that the Oromo people have preserved indigenous environmental knowledge even without a written record. As Momoh persuasively argues, "[P]roverbs are to the traditional African what a book is to a student; he studied and mastered proverbs just as a student studies his subject matter in books. Proverbs are to the traditional African elders a pedagogical instrument to educate the youths just as the modern formal schooling system is an educational forum for instructing the youth" (Momoh 1996, 60).
It would be, however, wrong to underestimate the contribution of written sources to keep accurate records of environmental knowledge. Written sources are essential to preserve the memory and the wisdom of indigenous environmental experts. I share the view held by Appiah (1995) that written sources can help us to consider general claims, and to foster the intellectual division of labor. Appiah writes" [i]n the absence of writing, it is not possible to compare our ancestors' theories in their actual words with ours" (Appiah 1995, 13). I sincerely think that both oral and written sources are important to preserve and reconstruct environmental history and ethics.
Also, the Oromo advise their children to avoid the unlimited use of resources, and to think for the future. They say "Namni boru hin beekne hardha qofa sagal nayaata" (He who does not think for tomorrow eats nine times a day). "Namni kan darbe hin beekne, kan dhufu hin beeku" (A person who does not know the past will find it difficult to predict the future) (BABO 1998, 497). "Boolli guyyaa argan halkan nama hin nyaatu" (A hole seen during the day does not swallow a person during the night) (BABO 1996, 168). "Hantuunni boolla lama qabu hin du'u" (BABO 1998, 717). (A rat with two dens will not die). This saying indicates that one who saves at present will not starve in the future. "Ifaan guurratanii, dukkanaan daakkatan" (One who collects crops in day light will grind during the night) (BABO 1998, 293). "Tarkaanfachuu dura lafa laallachuu wayya" (Before you stride, better look at the ground where your foot rests) (BABO 1996, 288). These and other proverbs help children to think twice before performing their duties.
Although wisdom as a general capacity is given an important place in Ambo, it is regarded as worthless and harmful when it surpasses the requirement. As the proverb goes, "Gamnummaan baay'atte, gowwaa nama gooti" (Being too much clever will turn a person into a fool) (BABO 1996, 193). Similarly, some Oromo elders say "Jiruun mana doqnaatti hafeet, lubbuun mana luknaatti hafeet, cubbuun qe'e gamnaatti hafe" (Wealth remained in the house of the greedy, safety remained in the house of cowardice and sin remained in the home of a wise man). For the Oromo, wisdom should be used with care. Some wise men try to deceive the people to fulfill their desire. The Oromo consider this immoral. The Oromo also praise sustainable use of resources. They do not, however, promote greediness.
The other important point is that knowledge, for instance, information concerning different aspects of society and nature is transferred from one generation to the next through observation and participation. The young learn different practices by observing and participating in various economic, political, and religious activities. They gather with the Oromo elders and ritual leaders in the open air in a meadow under the Odaa (Ficus gnaphalocarpa) tree and other trees. They observe and learn what is going on during proceedings (Infs: Bayissa; Emanssa; Lelissa; Takele; Tsedale, Tura).
