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3. VEGETATION AND OROMO SOCIETY

3.1 Tree Planting and Deforestation

The Ambo Oromo recount that in the past Ambo was full of forests, and they could have little point in planting trees. These trees were the most important repositories of biodiversity.

At present, however, trees are under threat. The expansion of cities, population growth, increased cash needed for school fees, medical services and tax, environmental change, and the introduction of chemical fertilizer have compelled the Ambo Oromo peasants to clear more lands for agriculture, to burn charcoal, and collect firewood for sale (Infs: Angassa; Nagara Fite; Nagassa). Charcoal burning has been practiced in Birbirsa Dogoma and Uko Korke Peasants Associations since the imperial era. Particularly in Birbirsa Dogoma Peasants Association, charcoal burning and the collection of firewood are the major means of survival for many peasants. During my fieldwork, I saw fifteen to twenty peasants going to the nearby Guder town to sell charcoal and firewood, which they do almost everyday. A small amount of peasants' income needs to be supplemented through charcoal burning and the collection of firewood. But charcoal burning is not common in Imala Dawe Ajo Peasants Association (Infs: Taressa; Lelissa; Ragassa). Peasants in the latter area are relatively rich. Peasants in Gabisa Boji do not burn charcoal owing to the absence of trees appropriate for this purpose (Inf: Gonfa). The large majority (98.8%) of the sample population recognized the prevalence of deforestation in their area (table 8).

Before the I974 Ethiopian revolution, the Ambo tenant farmers were forbidden to plant trees. Some informants recounted that they were also not allowed to build a decent house let alone plant trees. The landlords had driven most tenant farmers off the land they formerly cultivated so they could construct houses. The landlords thought that tenant farmers could ask them compensation for their trees when they move to other places. The landlords demanded extra payment from peasants when the latter planted trees and improved the fertility of the land. Generally, the landlords did not want to see strong and rich peasants on their land. Of the sample population, 59.4% was not allowed to plant trees (table 9). The respondents underlined that although there was other factors such as poverty, the unwillingness to protect the land on the part of some peasants, the land tenure system was a major hindrance to conserve natural resources. Those who had their own plot could plant and control trees.

Thus, one can say that the landlords contributed to environmental degradation. Denying tenant farmers the right to plant trees contradicts with the principles of environmental protection. The landlords should have encouraged peasants to invest on their lands.

Deforestation had also been accelerated by the land policy of the military government. All forests were placed under state ownership. Some peasants destroyed big trees under the cover of darkness owing to the uncertainties of tree ownership, and the absence of strict control on the part of peasants associations. On top of that, peasants were reluctant to plant trees on their plot owing to the redistribution of land over time by peasant's association officials in line with government land policy. Of the one hundred sixty household heads, seventy-eight peasants (48.8%) said that the land policy of the military and the present government has prevented them to invest on their land (table 10).

Although the military government provided peasants with seedlings, they were not willing to plant them with proper care because they were forced to do so. Inadequately planted trees had a low survival rate (Infs: Berhanu; Gutema Mitafa; Ragassa; Takele). Some peasants destroyed different trees after the collapse of the military government. Nobody seems to be responsible for the protection of forests in rural areas (Infs: Bayissa; Mulata; Olkaba).

In spite of the negative attitude of the landlords, some peasants dared to plant eucalyptus trees during the reign of Haile Selassie I (1930-74). For instance, Obboo Angassa Yadessa planted 5,000 trees in Uko Korke. He said that his landlord continuously harassed him. Many peasants regard Obboo Angassa as their best teacher in the area of environmental protection. Similarly, Obboo Setegn Warati and Gamachu Yeyie planted Gaattiraa (Juniperus procera) and Anfaara (Budelleja polystachya/Nuxia congesta) in Cittu locality in Gabisa Boji Peasants Association. Of all peasants I have interviewed, I have been impressed by the efforts of Obboo Ragassa Warerso in Imala Dawe Ajo Peasants Association. In fact, he had his own land before the revolution. He said that he used to buy seedlings from the government from 1966-1974. By the 1974, he had about 50,000 eucalyptus trees. After the revolution peasants association officials tried to expropriate his trees. He was then annoyed and carelessly cut and sold his trees. Later, that the government proclaimed that it would be illegal to appropriate one's trees. Following this Obboo Ragassa began to plant trees. He planted 6000-9000 seedlings every year. He has his own nursery. At present, he has about 49,000 trees the majority of them are eucalyptus trees. He lamented that shortage of land does not allow him to plant more trees. Obboo Ragassa has influenced many peasants not only in his locality, but also in Ambo district at large. Following Obboo Ragassa, Obbo Dalassa Ganati has planted 40,000 trees including eucalyptus, Gaattiraa (Juniperus procera) and Arangamaa (Pterrolobium stellatum). Furthermore, I have been amused by the diversity of trees, which are planted by Obboo Dhabassa Nagara in Birbirsa Dogoma Peasants Association. He has been planting trees around his premises and on his farm. His trees include eucalyptus, Gaattiraa, Kaachaa (Themeda triandra), Birbirsa (Podocarpus gracilior/falcatus), Maraasisaa (Celerodendrum myricoides), Anchabbii (Ocimum suave), Waddeessa (Cordia africana), Bakkanniisa (Croton macrostachys), Agamsa (Carissa edulis), Ceekaa (Calpurnia aurea), Qaraaruu (Akacaathera schimperi), Xoqonuu (Urera hypselodendron), Dhummuugaa (Adhatoda schimperana), Mixoo (Rytigynia neglecta), Urgeessaa (Premna schimperi), Bosoqqee (Kalanchoe spp.), Anfaara (Budelleja polystachya/Nuxia congesta), Geeshoo (Rhamnus prinoides), Caatii (Cathaedulis). I have never seen some of these trees before. Obboo Dhabassa is a traditional herbalist and values trees for medicinal, economic, and aesthetic reasons. He also said that environmental friendliness has encouraged him to protect various types of trees.

Likewise, the majority of the sample population plant trees on different places owing to economic, medicinal, aesthetic, belief, environmental friendliness and future concerns (table 11). 90% of the respondents do not plant trees on their farmland. They think that planting trees on their farmland will reduce agricultural production through shading, root interference and attracting anti-crop wildlife such as birds. Other peasants complained that irresponsible individuals could steal trees on their farmland. Others said that they do not have sufficient land to plant trees.

Table 11. Percentage of distribution of respondents who have planted trees

The foregoing discussion reveals that there have been environmentally conscious Oromo peasants in the four study sites from whom peasants in Ambo and rural Ethiopia can learn a lot. Through experience, they realized that planting trees requires the knowledge of the soil, the nature of various species, climatic conditions and so on. They underline that there should be a gap (from one meter to two meters) between two or more trees depending for what purpose the tree is intended to be used in the future. They know highly productive and early maturing species. They have their own nurseries and know that unless seedlings are covered, they would dry up and cannot grow well. Their colleagues regard these peasants as intelligent teachers and innovators.

The Ambo peasants have a wide knowledge of the nature and use of various trees. Ejersa (Olea europaea subsp/ cuspidata), Agamsa (Carissa edulis), Gaattiraa (Juniperus procera ), Laaftoo (Acacia Albida), Qilxuu (Ficus vasta), are important to construct houses and pens. Peasants use Waddeessa (Cordia africana), and Himalaa (scientific name is unknown) to make yoke. Ejersa is essential to make a beam for plough, wedges and flat wooden boards that support the handle of a plow and a plow snare. Peasants also know different trees resistant to the rotting effects of sun and rain, and trees that are termite proof. Peasants use Laaftoo, Bakkanniisa and others for charcoal burning.

Peasants also plant trees for aesthetic reasons. Big trees are the symbols of respect and happiness. Traditionally, people say so-and-so has big trees around his premises so that his homestead has Ayyaana. The birds alight on these trees. The Oromo believe that trees are the children of Waaqa and the Earth can only be respected with its trees (Infs: Edossa; Gifara; Gutema Mitafa; Kena'a; Shito).

The Ambo peasants are also well aware of the fact that trees and rain are interconnected. They argue that cutting all available forests will not only deprive the future generation of rare plants and animals, but will also affect climatic conditions leading to drought, excessive wind storm and soil erosion. All of my informants confirmed that the rain starts on the forested lands. They specifically mentioned the names of these places. There is no dust in these places. Instead these places are covered by cloud. The following saying shows the interconnection between cloud and forests. "Shaggar gubbaan huurrumaa yoo damma baasan malee. Booddeen du'aaf dullumaa yoo amma kaatan malee" (Inf: Gudeta)--"There is cloud over Shaggar (Addis Ababa) unless you extract honey; old age and death are coming later unless you work hard now." Good honey is found in the forests for bees can use various trees. Thus, this saying indicates that honey, forests and cloud go together. Warqee (Enset ventricosum) attracts rain mostly in highlands. Other trees have similar role both in low and highlands. Springs can only be found around forested areas. My informants maintain that trees help retain moisture by shedding the land from the sun and the wind. They also state that after planting trees they have influenced the weather of their locality (Infs: Galata; Likessa; Ragassa; Gutema Jirane).

3.2. Environmental Degradation and Health

Environmental degradation has affected climatic condition and led to new diseases. In particular, malaria is the most widespread disease, causing death, debilitation and suffering, affecting several people in Ambo. It was believed to be a disease of lowlands. But the threat of malaria is increasing in both highlands and lowlands in Ambo. During my fieldwork, malaria killed a considerable number of people in Ambo. Many peasants complained that the government has not paid attention to control the spread of malaria.

Many peasants pointed out that environmental change is the major cause of malaria. Raghunathan's observation supports this view. "Environmental disturbances, particularly loss of forests, population movement, poor health care infrastructure, and the most dangerous malaria parasite, plasmodium falciparum, developing drug resistance and vectors becoming insecticide proof are the main causes for such rampant spread of malaria" (Raghunathan 1993, 95). 88.8% of the sample population said that environmental changes have led to new problems, such as the proliferation of human and animal diseases, anti-crop insects, the overheating of the atmosphere and the acceleration of soil erosion (table 12).

Some peasants also suffer from tuberculosis. The major cause of tuberculosis is poverty. TB patients spread tuberculosis by coughing out, spitting millions of TB bacilli, which are inhaled by others and thereby get infected.

The problem of water supply and sanitation is common in the study areas. In some places, the water is full of living organisms such as leeches and a variety of insects. Some individuals use the open field, and at times even the edges and banks of streams and rivers for toilet. Thus, water-related diseases such as diarrhea, vomiting, amoeba, intestinal problems and the like have affected the people.

Moreover, horses have been ravaged by biichee. Biichee wounds a horse and kills it after spreading over its body. Biichee was not a serious problem in the recent past in the study sites. It is a new disease that has not been controlled by the people. Tick also attacks cattle and dogs.

Environmental change and its negative concomitants have alerted peasants to plant and protect trees. They have tried to control environmental degradation and the spread of new diseases. Both peasants and their children have actively involved in planting trees in June and July. During the dry seasons they draw water from rivers and water their trees.

3.3 Sacred Groves

The Oromo religion provides many checks and balances on resource utilization. The followers of Oromo traditional religion have their own sacred trees. Every Oromo has his own Dakkii tree that is believed to be the abode of spirits. Dakkii tree is a symbol of peace and stability and is believed to be a link between Waaqa and the people. A bride leaving her parental home is blessed with the words "May the Dakkii accept you". Not all trees are selected as Dakkii trees. Birbirsa (Podocarpus gracilior/falcatus), Laaftoo, Garbii (Acacia albida), Harbuu (Ficus sur), Qilxuu The Oromo favor (Ficus vasta), Ejersa, Mi'eessaa (Prunus africana), Gaattiraa (Juniperus procera), Hoomii (Pygeum africanum), Somboo (Ekeberigia capensis), as Dakkii trees. Birbirsa is associated with the Gadaa system. The Oromo use Birbirsa as a pillar and put green leaves under it so as to appease or propitiate their Ayyaana. It needs to be covered by Jaawwii (red cloth) and a ram should be sacrificed under it. Laaftoo is not a callous tree; it is rather simple and soft. Harbuu is chosen for it has a kind of breast that produces milk, and has fruits. Similarly, Qilxuu has breast and capable of producing milk. Ejersa is one of the respected Bokkuu trees (Inf: Fufa). It is forbidden to cut Dakkii trees. The inhabitants in any way could not utilize them. The Oromo sacrifice domestic animals under Dakkii trees to maintain peace and to avoid diseases (Infs: Bayissa; Duresso; Nagara Fite). Dakkii trees have also another advantage--the Oromo climb these trees and control the movement of enemies from a distance (Inf: Gamtessa). The Oromo in Imala Dawe Ajo and Gabisa Boji construct fence around Dakkii trees. One can find not only one single tree, but a variety of tree species.

Moreover, trees around the Qaalluu institutions, springs, and other ritual places are considered sacred. The Oromo also revere Bokkuu (sceptre) trees. During my fieldwork, I had the opportunity to observe very big trees around Bokkuu Cittuu in Gabisa Boji Peasants Association. The Gadaa officials use these trees as traditional Oromo court. They discuss social, economic and religious problems of the Ambo Oromo and other Oromo people in different parts of Oromiyaa. No one is allowed to cut a single branch from these trees. Even the women cannot collect dry dung from the compounds of Bokkuu trees. There are some exceptions when some trees can be cut and used to roast meat during the Gadaa celebrations. Some individuals cut one of these trees, jerk the meat of an old bull, put it on a spit-like, forked wood and roast it (Infs: Bayissa; Gonfa; Gutema Mitafa; Kana'a; Woldesenbet). Those who tried to cut Bokkuu trees illegally did not live long. A certain Fayyisaa died after cutting a Bokkuu tree (Inf: Gonfa). Peasants in the study sites also protect trees grown around Churchyards. Unlike peasants in Wallo (Dessalegn 1997), the Ambo Oromo plant eucalyptus and other trees around Church compounds (Infs: Ragassa; Urgessa Bayissa). It should be noted that trees around churches are protected in all parts of Ethiopia for the grounds around churches are considered sacred ( Tsehai 1994). "Bees make honey inside the roofs of some churches without being disturbed, and dove and other birds make nests on the ground" (Tsehai 1994, 167). In the past the Oromo used to plant trees on graveyards. These trees are taboo for any use. The Oromo favor Adaamii (Euphorbia candelabrum) of all trees. For this reason, no body wants to cut this tree. Peasants put beehives on these trees. It is believed that trees on a grave look like the flesh of the dead person and serve as statues. Traditionally this place is called Iddoo Hammeenya Warraa or Tuujuba Warraa (the grave of so-and-so). Although some individuals have begun to cut these trees, many trees remain untouched. For instance, there are big trees on the grave of Obbo Wayessa Manker, one of the leaders of the Oromo of Korke locality in Uko Korke Peasants Association. According to tradition, when Kalaalee or Cifiree (the ritual leader of the Ateetee ceremony) dies, she will be buried around her own homestead because of the fact that burying her in the Church will result in negative consequences. The Oromo plant trees on the grave of Cifiree even these days (Infs: Likessa; Nagassa).

3.4 Green Trees, Grasses and Symbolic Acts

The green environment has special significance to the Oromo. It is the symbol and presage of fertility (germination and vegetation) and of all good things. Plants and animals depend on green environment. It is believed that green environment is the source of life. The Oromo do not sit on stone and dry things. They put green grass on a stone to make it wet. Green trees and grasses symbolize various aspects of reality and people's life. As Appiah rightly noted, ritual implies symbolism. "Symbolism is in fact a feature of all major ceremonial occasions in any culture, and the presence of symbolism in religious ceremonial derives from its nature as ceremonial and not from its nature as religious" (Appiah 1992, 113). Coqorsa (Eleusine jaegeri) grass is one of the respected and favored grasses in Oromo traditional religion. Coqorsa is mainly used to appease one's father's Ayyaana. It is symbolized as an uncastrated bull and an elder of all grasses. It is a strong creeper grass, which can stay green during the dry seasons. A single coqorsa grass crawls on the ground and covers a large area of the ground. The Oromo use coqorsa grass to worship Waaqa. Coqorsa grass cannot be used in every traditional ceremony. It is associated with Waaqa and Ayyaana. It must be noted that not every coqorsa grass is culturally useful. The Oromo count the marrow of coqorsa. A coqorsa grass, which has seven, nine, twelve, sixteen marrows, is believed to be good. Only knowledgeable persons know different uses of a coqorsa grass with different marrows (Infs: Bayissa; Takele).

Sardoo (Pennisetum clandestinum) is another revered grass in Oromo culture. It grows in a tract of ground surrounding a house. It is very soft and straight. It is not a callous grass. Sardoo is needed for offspring. It is a symbol of peace, fertility and life. Elders hold sardoo grass when they reconcile conflicting parties. Women are required to hold sardoo grass and Qundhee (Cyperus rigidifolius), during Ateetee and Maaram celebration. When a father aims to ask a girl for his son, his relatives hold sardoo grass and go to the girl's house. I have noted that coqorsa grass cannot be used for this purpose. The father is wishing that the couple are wet, and their lineage will be reproduced. To put matters another way, sardoo gives the message that the girl will give birth to a child. If the father takes dry grass to a girl's house, the girl will be barren. Sardoo equally serves both the rich and the poor. When a person is asked by both the poor and the rich person to give his /her daughter to their son, s/he is required to apply the principle of first come first served. If s/he violates this principle and favors the rich, the poor can present this case to Gadaa officials. It is believed that the health of the daughter can be disturbed by the misdeeds of her parents (Infs: Didha; Dhabassa; Gudissa). When the Ambo Oromo go to sacred places, they are required to hold Mi'eessaa and Birbirsa trees. Mi'eessaa is a symbol of peace and has beautiful and straight leaves. It does not have thorns that are harmful. It is worth noting that the Oromo don't use trees, which have thorns, to pray to Waaqa for help.

The Oromo also use tall grass or green trees as irreessa trees to appease the gods. Irreessaa trees will involve Urgeessaa (Premna schimperi), Ulmaa (Ekebergia capensis), Abbayyii (Maesa lanceolata), and Hindhee. When a bridegroom proceeds to the girl's house he is expected to hold the lath of Urgessa, which is a symbol of fertility along with a whip and spear (Inf: Basura; Marga Jara). When a person gives a gift to Ayyaana, she/he is expected to hold Hoomii, Gaattiraa, Ulaga (scientific name is unknown), and Birbirsa. During Gadaa ceremony, the Oromo hold Urgessaa, Ulmaa, Hindhee and a spear (Inf: Gonfa). Moreover, the Oromo anoint dry sticks with butter to make them wet. For instance, they first soot Waddeessa with smoke. They then anoint it with butter. Butter is the symbol of fertility. This stick is considered as the stick of blessing. The Oromo are required to hold anointed sticks during the Gadaa, Ateetee, Qaalluu, and other religious ceremonies. A ritual stick cannot be used for other purposes. When the Oromo sacrifice animals as an offering to Ayyaana, they will dip a stick into the blood and touch their forehead. The shedding of bull and sheep's blood may well have been a substitute for human sacrifice and reflects the wish of human beings to make their life enjoyable in the future. Blood sacrifice is intended to propitiate Waaqa, the earth and Ayyaana to ensure fertility, life and peace. Urgeessaa tree also symbolizes maturity. During circumcision the Oromo set up Urgeessaa in the ground.

3.5 The Place of Fragrant Trees and Grasses in Oromo Culture

The Oromo people are able to identify the smell of various trees and grasses and exploit them for various purposes. The Oromo women use different trees to make milk sweet. They fumigate the churn with the smoke of Ejersa. Without fumigation the milk will be hurdled. The Oromo women also use Ciraakkota (Ruta chalepensis) to make yogurt, and red pepper tasty. Shokonata is used to process butter and to make cheese tasty. The Oromo peasants argue that urban dwellers do not know how to make milk sweet. The Oromo women fumigate their clothes and incense their body with the smoke of Bahaa (Olea welwitsehii) the root of Qundhii (Cyperus rigidifolius), Baddeessa (Syzygium quineense subsp.), and Masarata (Cymbopogon citratu) grass. Most Oromo women prefer these trees. They said that modern perfumes make people ill and are very expensive. Fragrant trees are economical, affordable, and do not affect the health of the rural poor (Infs: Eticha; Fufa; Lami; Lemo). When a woman gives birth to a child, she boils the leaves of Ulmaa (Ekebergia capenisis), young Barooddoo (Myrica salicifolia), Himalaa, the bark of Urgeessaa (Premia schimper), and Luugoo (Kalanchoe quartiniana) and wash her body with their solution. A nursing mother fumigates the cloths of her child with the smoke of Somboo (Ekebergia Capensis). The rural women boil the leaves of Biitee (Sideroxylon oxyacantha) and wash their children. Some people also tuck natrari (scientific name is unknown), into their nose for it has a pleasant smell (Infs: Eticha, Lelissa). The rural woman put Masarata (a fragrant grass), in their box so as to make their clothes smell nice. Peasants also put Kusaayee (Lantana trifolia) on their bed for it smells nice. The leaves of Ingug (scientific name is unknown) tree are used to daub a fingernail. The foregoing discussion suggests that peasant's knowledge of fragrant trees may offer fertile soil for the improvement of the knowledge of perfume makers.

3.6 The Selection and Use of Edible Wild Plants

Food habits differ from one region to another and from one country to another. Human beings have involved in the selection, domestication and cultivation of wild plants. A wild plant in one country can be a domesticated crop in another country. For instance pigs and cattle in USA eat maize while it is a staple food in other countries. Teff, i.e., grass like crop (the grains of which are used for making local bread) is a staple food in Ethiopia whereas it is cultivated for hay production in South Africa and Australia. In India, it serves as green fodder (Mesfin 1987). Some ethnic groups in Metekel eat the leaves of various trees while others in central Ethiopia think that this habit is morally unjustifiable.

The Ambo Oromo use different wild plant species for dietary and other domestic purposes during normal period and in time of crop failure. The fruits of Goraa (Rubus stevdneri), Angooxoo (Rosa abyssinica), Qilxuu (Ficus Vasta), are widely eaten in highlands. Peasants and their children eat the fruits of Harbuu (Ficus exasperata), Agamsa (Carrisa edulis), Mi'eessaa (pygeaum africanum), Angooxoo, Goraa, Koshommii (Dovyalis caffra), Waddeessa (Cordia africana), Qilxuu, and Adaamii (Euphorbia candelabrum) in the four study sites. During famine, the people resort to other wild food from the bush. Several wild plants survive droughts where conventional crops perish. These trees are considered as a highly nutritious source of food. Waddeessa is considered as the important source of energy (Inf: Urgessa Bayissa). Hudhaa (Flacourtia indica) is as sweet as a candy (Inf: Gamtessa). The Ambo Oromo also eat the gum of acacia. The rural Oromo prepare booka (mead) by mixing Ebicha (Vernonia amygdalina) and honey (Infs: Angassa; Blanta; Duresso). Wild animals, such as baboons, antelopes, and reedbuck graze the leaves of various trees. Colobus monkey eats the fruits of trees.

3.7 Oromo Traditional Medicine: Principles and Practices

Traditional medicine involves both rational and psychotherapeutic techniques, together with a folk classification and nomenclature of ills and diseases, and includes both simple family remedies and specialist healers for different types of treatments (Barrau 1966). Traditional healers in different parts of the world, however, have not encouraged the people to learn the properties of medicinal trees. The secretive nature of the knowledge of traditional healers has hampered the transfer of the principles and practices of traditional medicine to curious minds. Therefore, the death of traditional healers means the disappearance of all the knowledge of traditional medicine. The death of the traditional healers led to the stagnation of science, including the science of medicine (Gyekye 1997, 29). Although Gyekeye acknowledges the potencies of traditional medicines, he proclaims that there were-and are-enormous problems about both the nature of indigenous medicine and the appropriate or reliable dosage, problems which do not seem to have been grappled with. Diagnosis requires systematic analysis of cause and effect, an approach, which would not be fully exploited in a system, like the one evolved by our culture, which often explained the causes of illness, as it did in any other natural occurrences, in agentive (i.e., supernatural, mystical) terms. Such a cause effect approach to coping with disease would hardly dispose a people towards the search for effective diagnostic technologies (Gyekye 1997, 33).

He further points out that traditional healers are not capable of providing exact measurement of quantity which would affect "the efficacy of the concoction as well as the therapeutic effect of the dosage; in the case of the latter, there was the possibility of under dosage or over dosage" (Gyekye 1997, 33-34). Although traditional healers may not systematically analyze cause and effect, their knowledge is useful for modern society. It is thus imperative to study and document traditional pharmacological knowledge of the rural people in the world for "[i]t is the search for potentially new therapeutic agents to be used for advanced medicine which will ultimately rebound to benefit the local indigenous societies who still fully depend on native floras for cures and remedies" (Schultes 1989, 37).

Lambo contends that traditional and modern medicine are complementary:

Like modern medicine, African traditional medicine is being improved through continuous experiment and observation of the physiological effects and medicinal properties of bioactive plants. I maintain with Makinde that "it could be said that, like Western medicine, traditional medicine has a definite aim. It is also governed by a methodology and a system of principles which dictate the manner in which the act has to be performed if it is to be effective" (Makinde 1988, 100). My study in rural Ambo confirmed the observation of Makinde. There are two kinds of medicines in Ambo: oral medicine and medicinal herbs. The former is associated with oral incantations and may be regarded as magical or supernatural where as the latter is related to physical effects. Traditional healers are skilled at bone setting, cautery, and minor surgical procedures. Traditional medicine men also possess a wide knowledge of the flora and the properties of a great number of species, and treat different diseases without resorting to magic or superstition. In my previous work (1997a), I have offered the names of different medicinal plants, and I shall not repeat their role here. Traditional medicine in Ambo relies on the intactness of local biodiversity. The Ambo Oromo employ Anchabbii (Acimum sauve), Muka foonii (Halleria lucida), white eucalyptus, the roots of Qabarichoo (Echinops vebericho), Xuuxaa (Acyranthes aspera), Bokkolluu (scientific name is unknown) and Cingiitii (Otostegia irotegrifolia), via the respiratory system by inhalation in the form of vapors, and smoking and washing against headache, sharp, sudden pain, common cold, and bronchial asthma. It is customary to draw vapors and the solution of these medicines into the left ear and nose for it is believed that different diseases enter the left side of the body (Infs: Likessa; Lami). Heexoo (Hagenia abyssinica), Suntuuraa (scientific name is unknown), Qacama (Myrsine africana), Xoqonuu (Urera hypselodendron), Haanquu (Embelia schimperi) and Mattarre (Glinus lotoides) are considered to be strongly laxative and effective in avoiding tapeworms and round worms.

The Ambo peasants make a distinction between male and female Suntuuraa. Female Suunturaa is capable of producing fruits and is a good medicine to treat gonorrhea and a pinching intestinal pain. The male Suunturaa is a fruitless toxic plant, which can kill a human being. Heexoo and Hanquu are found in highlands. The milk of female Adaamii (Euphorbia candelabrum) and the bread of red xaafii and the root of Mi'eessaa (Euclea schimperi), are effective in killing tape-worms (Infs: Gutama Mitafa; Urgessa Gutama). The smoke of black Arangama (Pterrolobium stellatum) and the root of Bosoqqee (Kalanchoe spp.) are capable of avoiding typhus (Inf: Tura). Drinking a potion obtained by pounding Harma Guusa (Ajinga remoti), Hadasii (Myrtus communis), the root of Tuultii (Ramex steudelii), and Battalee (scientific name is unknown), can relieve a pinching intestinal pain. Chewing the leaves of Bakkanniisa (Croton macrostachys) tree and mustard plant can also relieve intestinal pain. Eating parched Iyyasuu (Amaranthus caudatus) can relieve serious diarrhea (Inf: Urgessa Gutama). Heexoo is too bitter for children to drink its solution. For this matter, children will take the fruits of Battarree (scientific name is unknown) and pounded Niger seed and chew them to treat tape -worms. Drinking a potion obtained by boiling the leaves of Qumbaala (Apodytes dimidiata), and the bark of Hoomii (Pygevm africanum) will help a new born child to be free from stomach ache (Inf: Fufa). Chewing Killa (scientific name is unknown) (Inf: Didha) can also cure toothache. Rinsing the mouth by a potion obtained from the leaves of Bakanisa and Itacha (Dodonea viscosa) can alleviate toothache. Xaabbanyii (scientific name is unknown) is used to treat malaria. If the women boil the bark of Barooddoo (Myrica salicifolia), Hoomii (Pygeum africanum), and Biitee (Sideroxylon oxyacantha) and wash their body by the solution, they will be healthy. Hadaa (Douyalis abyssinica) is applied to hasten the healing of infected sores and the swollen leg. Its leaves will be tied to the infected part of the body in order to make it burst (Inf: Eticha). Attaching the pounded leaves of Waleensuu (Erythrina abssinica), honey and roasted coffee to the infected part of the body for three days can cure eczema, although it usually produces a burning sensation. My informant said that modern medical doctors couldn't control this disease (Inf: Urgessa Gutama).

Komanyo (scientific name is unknown) is also important to treat scabies. The powder made from Kombolcha (Mytenus obscura) and Qaraaroo (Akacaathera schimperi) is believed to be a good remedy for snakebites. The Oromo also prepare amulet from the horn of Gadamsa (large deer found in lowlands), which can make a snake crazy; when the shadow of a person is thrown on the snake, the latter cannot move and bite the person. The horn of Gadamsa is sold in local markets (Infs: Fufa; Mulata; Bayissa). Tobacco is also important in treating snakebites. Also, if a person chews the leaves of white acacia, Agamsa, coqorsa grass, and spits on the affected part of the body, s/he will be cured (Infs: Gamtessa; Tura). Furthermore, peasants in the four study sites are capable of controlling rabies. The roots of the following trees are collected, crushed and mixed together: Ceekaa (Culpurnea aurea), Andoodee (Phytolacca dodecandra), Hooloo (Acacia bussei), Hiddii (Solanum marginatum), Qaraaroo, Bakkanniisa, Ittacha (Dodonea viscosa), Qilxuu, Ebicha (Vernonia amygdaliha), the root of red Qobboo (Ricinus communis), Alaltuu (Salix subserrata), Waddessa (Cordia africana), Geeshoo, and wet pumpkin. The mixture of these plants is put in a horn or in any other container and neatly tied in black and white cotton to prevent it from falling out. When animals are affected by rabies peasants mix it with water and pour it into their left ear and nose. But human beings who are affected by rabies will drink a cup of the solution of this medicine (Infs: Bayissa; Mulata, Ragassa, Olkaba; Workineh 1997a). When individuals caught syphilis, they would chew Hiddii Hooloo (Cucumis sp.) and female Andoodee according to the prescription of traditional healers (Inf: Midhaksa). The solution of the roots of Gurra Harree and salt is useful in treating Kuruba (human or animal disease that can make the victim shiver) (Infs: Dalassa; Tura).

When individuals caught gonorrhea, they would crush Hiddii Hooloo, female Andoodee, onions, and salt bar and soak them in water and butter, and drink two glasses of the solution for two days (Inf: Ragassa). When a wife refused to sleep with her husband, the latter can force his wife to inhale the fruits of Asangira (Datura stramonium). It is believed that by chewing Digaluu Bakkanniisa (Phragmanthera regularis) and spitting on his penis the impotent man can become potent (Infs: Gutema Mitafa; Ragassa; Tura). The Ambo Oromo have been using the branches and twigs of Ulmaa (Ekebergia capenisis) to clean their teeth for millennia.

The Ambo Oromo have also a considerable knowledge of indigenous veterinary medicines. An infusion of the leaves of Bakkaniisa, Hiddii Hooloo, white eucalyptus, white onion, Dhummuugaa (Adhatoda schimperana) Ulmaa, Ceekaa (Calpurnia aurea), Caraanaa (scientific name is unknown) and Bosoqqee is given to animals to be a cure for a stomach ache (Infs: Erko; Nagara; Gudeta; Tura). Animals which have diarrhea and bloated stomach and a pinching intestinal pain will be given a potion obtained by pounding Caraanaa and other trees (Infs: Didha). The young leaves of Gambeellaa (Plantago lanceolta), Garbii, Urgeessaa, and Agamsa are widely employed as eye medicine. After chewing the leaves of these trees, peasants spit on the eye of animals for three days (Inf: Urgessa Gutama). Animals, which are affected by Qabbana (which makes animals weak), will be given the potion obtained by boiling Qobboo, Dhummugaa (Justitia schimperana), Kalaala and Hoomii. Also, animals will not be affected by Qabbana (info: Gudissa) if the rind of Diddigsaa (Gniclia lamprantha), is attached to their horns. The smoke of Agamsa, Botoroo, Waatoo (Osyris quadripartita), Adaamii, and the hide of a gazelle will free animals from Qabbana. When animals begin to walk lamely, peasants wash the hooves of animals by the pounded leaves of Bakkanniisa (Infs: Midhaksa; Urgessa Gutama). The louse in the bodies of animals can be killed by the infusion of the bark of Waleensuu and Gaattiraa (Inf: Midhakssa). Living organisms such as leeches attack both humans and animals.

During my childhood, a leech bit me; it was sucking my blood for two weeks. Finally, I was given the infusion of tobacco, which immediately killed the leech. A leech clings to the tongue of animals and humans and sucks their blood. A potion obtained from Andoodee and tobacco can kill a leech. Peasants put thorns and the stems of Niger seed and stones in the river so that the leeches cannot come out of the river and cling to the tongue of animals. The other strategy to kill a leech is stopping to take cattle to the river and making them thirsty; the leech cannot stay in the nose of animals without sufficient water (Inf: Gonfa). When buti (viper-like snake) ejected spray of venom at animals, the later will begin to swell up. The Oromo control this by spraying a potion obtained from chewing white acacia and coqorsa grass (Inf: Midhakssa).

The young generation has overlooked the significance of traditional medicine. They have favored modern medicine. It is elders who rely on traditional medicine in the present day Ambo. What has been stated in the preceding discussion reveals that the Oromo have their own principles and methods of applying medicines. They know how much medicine is enough, safe and effective. Through experience they have understood the relative content and power of each medicine. To know the appropriate dosage of a medicine, they use their small finger, cups, glasses and others as tools of measurement. Those who take beyond the necessary dosage may die. Administering traditional medicine also takes age into consideration. Children and fully-grown persons do not take the same dosage. As has been stated, traditional healers know the medicinal properties of local plants, their location, the proper time of collection (some plants are poisonous in certain seasons), the part to be used, how to prepare it (fresh, dried, cut in small pieces, smashed), the solvent to be used (cold, warm, or boiling water, alcohol, the addition of salt, etc.), the way to prepare it (time and conditions to be left in the solvent), and the effects of medicine some of which are beyond the competence of modern physicians. Modern pharmacologists have a lot to learn from traditional medicine. According to Shiva, "["i]f the 120 active compounds currently isolated from the higher plants and widely used in modern medicine, 75 percent have also uses that were known in traditional systems" (Shiva 1997, 74).

3.8 Beekeeping in Ambo

The collection of honey from wild nests is common in Ambo. In forested areas hives are made from hollowed-out logs or strips of bark, closed at each end and with just a hole for the bees to enter. The Oromo peasants also make a long rectangular movable-comb hive from blocks of mud and straw and smeared inside with cow dung and smoked, it holds a number of wooden (or bamboo) top-bars each 55 cm long and 3.2 cm wide. Peasants also construct hives from odd scraps of timber.

Beekeepers fumigate beehives with the smoke of Gagamaa (Olea hochesteteri) and Ejersa (Olea africana) that burn with pleasant odor to attract bees to the hive. They also rub inside the hive with beeswax or they place a piece of old wax comb inside the hive and place the empty hive(s) in trees at the right season. A passing swarm will occupy this. Sometimes, honey hunters take honey from nests in tree cavities by felling the trees.

The Oromo peasants in Ambo know a wide range of plants, which are important to bees10. Bees collect nectar and pollen from cultivated and wild flowering plants and even from wasteland areas. Although some of the herbs and shrubs might be considered weeds, many of these species are important not just for honeybees but also for other uses. My informants underscore that there are distinct groups of honeybees representing different ecological areas of Ambo. Honey from certain regions shows highly specific pollen combinations. In highlands (Baddaa), bees use Qamaxxee (scientific name is unknown), Somboo (Ekebergia capensis) Mi'eessaa (Euclea schimperi) and Andoodee (Phytolacca dedecandra) to make white honey. In particular, the people like honey from Qamaxxee. In lowlands (Gammoojji), bees use tuufoo (Guizotia scabra) which includes Keelloo (Bidens ghedoensis), Hadaa (Douyalis abyssinica) and other flowering herbs), cabbage and Niger seed, to make red honey. The people consider the honey made from tuufoo as more important than others. Bees can also make honey from chickpea, Agamsa (Carissa edulis), clover, Ebicha (Vernonia amygdalina), and Kombolcha (Mytenus obscura). Peasants appreciate the mead of Ebicha. The saying goes "the meat of a young bull is as sweet as the mead of Ebicha" (Infs: Gutama Mitafa, Ragassa, Nagara Fite). But the people did not like honey made from acacia and Bakkanniisa.

Beekeeping is thus important in Ambo. It can serve as the sources of food and income. Honey serves as a useful source for carbohydrate. Honey was commonly eaten in its natural state and used in prepared dishes and drinks. Honey is also used to cure stomach and other diseases. "Honey does have some antibiotic activity because it is a sterile solution (its high sugar concentration prevents growth of microorganisms), the enzymes present in honey produce bactericidal hydrogen peroxide; it is highly acidic" (Bradbear 1990, 4). Moreover, the honey is widely sold; revenue was also obtained from beeswax. Beeswax can be used to prepare candle and ointments. At the same time the honey is fermented to make an alcoholic drink-booka (daadhii-mead). In the past, only the elite drank this, but nowadays every village has a small brewery. Particularly urban women widely used booka as a source of livelihood.

One of the advantages of beekeeping is that fertile land is not required for hives. Hives can be placed in trees, on waste-lands (on rocky outcrops and on the poorest soil for which the former has no use) and on flat rooftops. Thus, the physically disabled and landless peasants can rely on beekeeping as the source of income and nutrition. Beekeeping can help the rural poor to become self-reliant. Jones has this in mind when he writes:

Beekeeping is an activity that is ideally suited to rural development. In itself, it can be a small-scale project, which can fit in easily with larger agricultural initiatives. Bees not only help in pollination and thereby increase the yield of cash, food and fodder crops, but they also make use of the rich resources of nectar and pollen, which would otherwise be unexploited (Jones 1997,5).

What has been stated so far indicates that beekeeping is an environmental friendly activity. It relies on locally available and renewable resources. The rural poor can obtain honeybees from the wild. I would argue that beekeeping could be a useful source of foreign exchange without harming the environment. The improvement of beekeeping in Ethiopia may attract the attention of developed countries that consider honey as an important food for their citizens. The foregoing discussion thus suggests that the rural people should be encouraged to improve beekeeping and manage their bees in a more efficient way on the basis of local materials. They need to plant diverse trees that give good bee forage.

One may object that traditional beekeeping is an example of extreme inefficiency justifying subsistence. The income status of peasants does not change anyway. They have no control of the availability of honey and its price. They cannot accumulate wealth and avoid the risk of health. They cannot improve the quality of honey. This is an acceptable criticism. Traditional beekeeping needs to be supported by the government. Traditional methods of honey collection should be improved if peasants are to promote sustainable development.

In my fieldwork, I have found out that the unlimited use of modern herbicides in rural Ambo killed a large colony of bees and reduced the production of honey in Ambo (Infs: Nagara Fite; Gamtessa; Gudeta; Kuma). All concerned groups should try to avoid the misuse of pesticides and herbicides. Also, after drinking the solution of chemical fertilizers, many foxes died in the study sites (Inf: Gamtessa).

It is worth mentioning that traditionally peasants have tried to mount or suspend the hive to protect the bees from pests and predators. They have tried to protect the hives from strong winds and strong sunlight. Yet it is beyond their competence to control externally introduced herbicides and pesticides. Thus, the government should reconsider the application of pesticides and herbicides in rural Ethiopia. Development agents and Oromo intellectuals suggest that herbicides should be suspended. Because Oromiya has a large number of people who can weed their crops and thereby preserve bees and other species (Infs: Asfaw, Buzayehu; Tujuba).

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