From the time of its inception in Kenya, Christianity has taken various forms. Initially, there were efforts by pioneering missionaries to establish the Christian faith among different African Communities in Kenya. These efforts were characterised most by Western Christian missions. Efforts of this kind saw the gradual evolvement of such missions into churches within this country (Nthamburi 1991, 1995). The planting of missionary oriented churches was generally followed by another phase. This was the phenomenon of the proliferation of African initiated churches. These African instituted churches remain to date an elaborate illustration of the diverse and at the same time, profound response of Africans to Christianity.
The closing years of the Twentieth Century can be said to be experiencing an upsurge of, what within Christian circles, are commonly known as crusades. Evangelistic or proselystic in emphasis, these crusades are an important development in the history of the Church in Kenya. They have become a major expression of Christian activity, demonstrating its vitality. Evidently, the phenomenon of crusades is suffusing many urban areas, with considerably high frequency in some places. In Nairobi, for instance, Uhuru Park, Kamukunji grounds as well as residential estates such as Dandora, Githurai, Huruma, Kibera and Umoja are among the most frequent venues of crusaders. Almost daily, a crusade is taking place somewhere in Nairobi.
Most of the previous studies on Christianity in Kenya have focused on socio-religious, economic, cultural, and political factors underlying the mainstream and indigenous churches within the same country. But, the upsurge of crusades as an aspect of Christianity has not hitherto been subjected to thorough scholarly investigation.
Crusades are conspicuously pervading Nairobi. They apparently attract a lot of people. Participants in these crusades vary in their degree of involvement in terms of age, gender, ethnicity, socio-economic status, religious affiliation and academic levels. Crusades themselves range from local to international in category.
According to Sigei [Oral Interview (O.I.) 03/03/1997], a government public-meeting-licensing officer, in 1995, for instance, there were about 4 international crusades in Nairobi. And in 1996, there were well over 6 of such category of crusades in Nairobi, Sigei (O.I. 28/07/1997) further observed that there was so far an increase in the number of those seeking official permits from the government in order to hold crusades within Nairobi. According to him, by the end of 1996, there were at average two to three crusaders seeking from his office such permits each week1. But the frequency had risen to levels of five to six each week by end of June 1997. Of course, there should be some crusaders who have been carrying out their activities, especially on a small-scale basis without necessarily procuring permits. A number of other crusaders have increasingly been opening up offices within Nairobi to facilitate their crusade-related activities. Cases in point include Reinhard Bonnke's Christ For All Nations (Cfan), Morris Celullo's World Evangelism-Kenya, David Younggi Cho's Yoido Ministry, Evangelist Teresa Wairimu's Faith Evangelistic Ministry (FEM). Posters mounted, pasted or stuck in different crusade publicity and promotion strategies. These have become a common scenario at advertising points in Nairobi.
The aforementioned are but some of the impressionistic evidence of the growing fervour for crusades in Kenya generally and Nairobi in particular. Crucial questions emerge in this respect. For example, what is the general attitude towards crusades in the society? Who is/are behind these crusades? Who and what social needs are the crusades serving? The fervour for crusades is obviously appreciated by some sections of Kenyans. Otherwise crusades would not be there in the first place. However, the fervour is a source of unease to others. To some observers, crusades are a mere social euphoria that will gradually fade away. According to such observers, the crusades will not withstand the test of time. But to other analysts, crusades are a present formidable social phenomenon, which has far reaching implications to individuals and the society at large. The phenomenon of crusades, therefore, seems to have social dynamics that invite a thorough analysis. As a matter of fact, in spite of the aforementioned explicit fervour for crusades, little is known about socio-religious reasons that draw people to crusades. Also, not much is known about the growth of the crusades themselves. Could this apparently growing phenomenon be a social disruption? Might it be that intense involvement in these crusades by crusaders and crusadees alike is diverting them from attending to other more gainful socio-economic concerns? No careful analyses exist that have addressed some of these salient issues by documenting the factors responsible for the apparent increase of the crusades. These issues constitute the research problem under investigation in the present study.
Need arose for scholarly investigation into the phenomenon of crusades to bring to the fore the socio-religious role of crusades as perceived by crusaders and crusadees. The present study looks into this problem with a view to documenting the socio-religious undertones of the said phenomenon. Besides, the research provides possible suggestions for policy implementation. Concerns that form the objectives of this study, therefore, include:
a. Examining socio-religious reasons for the apparently growing fervour for crusades.
b. Investigating the social-religious needs and realities crusades are addressing
c. Making recommendations about crusades for implementation by crusadees, crusaders and any other concerned people.
a. That increased socio-economic problems in society cause a gap which crusades attempt to fill.
b. That women are attracted to crusades more than men.
c. That people of low socio-economic status are more inclined to crusades than those of a high socio-economic status.
d. That attraction to crusades is a function of the perceived power and efficacy of the evangelist.
Not many thorough sociological-oriented studies are available on the phenomenon of crusades. By exploring the embedded socio-religious dynamics and the implications crusades carry for or against the society, this present scholarly step becomes an important literature and a source of reference on the said phenomenon. Results will inform and serve as a useful guide and resource to those involved in various dimensions of Christian mission and social work. It assists in evaluating strategies, identifying and tapping of existing resources and addressing contemporary needs or realities in society.
Amongst some people, crusades are perceived suspiciously. Such suspicion has occasionally been expressed publicly, for instance, through press media. Some critics see in crusades, fanaticism, fundamentalism, sectarianism, thirst and clamour for power, neo-colonialism and soul-winning at the expense of meeting human needs. Our research into the phenomenon comes up with findings that are a more objective basis of assessing the contributions and the dangers of crusades to the society.
Rapid urbanisation and complexities resulting from it are considerably becoming a great challenge to individuals, governments, and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) as well. Great efforts are required to confront the challenges of urbanisation. Here in Kenya, it is proving increasingly difficult to formulate comprehensive agenda for development in our urban centres. As a matter of uttermost urgency and priority, the Church must seriously reflect and take a more pragmatic approach towards urban ministry. The urban community, its realities and implications will definitely remain an indispensable life stream that the Church cannot ignore and still claim to profoundly affect urban Kenyans. This is especially so as we closely march towards the twenty-first century. Given its urban setting, this study looks at some of these urban contextual realities in so far as they impinge on the residents of Nairobi. In this was, the study contributes towards Urban Theology and Development Theology. Policy-makers, planners, churches and other NGOs are amongst the immediate beneficiaries of findings from the present study.
The present research study employs sociological theories on religion from two classics, namely, Emile Durkheim and Max Weber. This is in consideration of the fact that the theories are viewed to be of immediate relevance to the study. Primary concern in these theories is on the contributions of religion towards the prerequisites and/or basic needs in the human society. Such needs include social cohesion, value consensus, harmony and integration of diverse parts. Applied in our case, interest would, for example, be directed towards examining contributions of crusades as an aspect of the Christian religion to the said prerequisites and basic needs in the Kenyan society at large and Nairobi community in Particular. To what extent do crusades work towards social integration within this social framework?
Durkheim (1991 cf. Abraham 1992, 72-104; Haralambos and Heald 1991, 455-457) is best known for his theory which emphasises a functionalist perspective. In this approach, he underlines the instrumentality of shared societal values and moral beliefs as a basis for `collective conscience'. Without this collective conscience, societal order, control, solidarity and cooperation are, on the basis of this viewpoint, beyond human realisation. Religion enhances collective conscience by according the same, sacredness and in this way, provides it with greater potentiality to direct human action and destiny. The awesome attitude towards the sacred is the same attitude bestowed upon social duties and obligations. In revering society, people are, in effect, appreciating the significance of the social group and their reliance upon it. The social group comes together in religious rituals infused with drama and reverence. Corporately, members of the group demonstrate in such ritual gatherings their faith in common values and beliefs. Through intensified liturgical atmosphere, the integration of society is realised. Members of society comprehend, revere, express, and communicate the moral bonds which seem to unite them.
Durkheim's ideas could relevantly be applied to the phenomenon of crusades. It is noted that crusades are a corporate feat that brings various people together. The diversity that often characterises most crusade fora has already been pointed out earlier in the statement of the problem with regard to attendance. To be sure, research findings confirmed that attendance in crusades more or less comprise people of various faiths though largely within the Christian fold but always open to those outside it. These people are of varied ages and educational backgrounds, socio-economic and marital status, both female and male. Nairobi's population affords a plurality of rural and urban, elite and non-elite as well as ethnic and political background. Often, in practical terms, such plurality has taken ugly and volatile dimensions, even on the national level; especially with regard to politics and ethnicity. Notwithstanding, once more, their aforementioned diversity, crusades are amongst the rare mass assemblies that have so far conducted their activities without sparking off volatility that is explicitly often characteristic of other similar forms of assemblage in Nairobi and countrywide.
Of interest here as well is whether crusades promote social solidarity and reinforce social values. If so, what kind of solidarity unfolds? Which people are embraced in this solidarity? What values emerge and are enhanced in these fora? These are important questions addressed within this study. This is particularly relevant in a polycultural context of urban Nairobi.
The fact that people of a diversity similar to the one of the aforementioned discussion attend a crusade together should not alone, however, necessarily be misconstrued to mean that they are in total harmony. To be sure, responses from the questionnaires showed that participants in crusades hold divergent opinions even regarding various aspects of crusades. Nevertheless, the differences in responses had more to do with aspects pertaining to practices or methods associated with crusades rather than doctrines prevalent and advanced in crusades. Otherwise, respondents concurred on many aspects especially those related to doctrines. This could be explained by the fact that most of the crusaders and crusadees are actually Christians, and in this sense especially of Pentecostal and Evangelical persuasion. It means, crusades promote to a higher degree social solidarity and social values espoused by Pentecostal or Pentecostal-related traditions.
Max Weber intimates that although religious behaviour may be largely shaped by economic forces, the reverse may also transpire. That is, religious beliefs may also shape or be a major influence on economic behaviour. In pursuit of his argument, Weber (1958 cf. Haralambos and Heald 1991, 465-467) examines the relationship between the rise of certain expressions of Protestantism and the evolvement of Western industrial capitalism. Of course Weber is fully cognisant of other contributory factors that were at play in the construction of capitalism. But the focus in Weber's theory that relates to our study is the one that highlights the role that Protestantism played. In Weber's view, the practice of the Protestant ethic was imbued with the 'spirit of capitalism'. Though Protestantism in itself was not a root cause of capitalism, it gave it a characteristic direction.
To prove his case, Weber looks at the set of ideas, ethics and values, duties and functions embedded particularly, in ascetic Protestantism. One needed a call and a respectable career in life that s/he could pursue diligently. Viewed as divinely ordained, work was emphasised. There was need for extensively gaining and saving everything possible to acquire wealth so that one would grow rich. The Protestants encouraged thrift spending. Extravagance and ostentatious lifestyle were loathed and viewed as being inconsistent with glorifying God. Time wasting, laziness, idle gossip, too much sleep and sexual pleasures outside marriage were condemned. So was sport and recreation, which were unrelated to improving physical fitness and health. Impulsive fun and enjoyment of the pub, dance hall, theatre and gaming house were to be shunned by ascetic Protestants. Most notable here is the link between maximising creation of wealth and minimising spending through an ascetic lifestyle. It is this ascetic Protestantism with there emphases that saw, according to Weber, the emergence and evolvement of capitalism in western Europe.
The present study investigates whether Weber's thesis can be sustained regarding the phenomenon of crusades. From the pilot survey and the actual field research that we conducted, it is already evident that certain teachings or values are underlined in crusade fora. But can such teachings and values, however, be said to be influencing significantly the crusaders' or crusadees' attitude or behaviour and performance in society?
Crusades themselves are becoming a distinct aspect of society with particular social rubrics and patterns. Though not exclusively to Christian crusades, there are now certain mannerisms in terms of language, dressing, liturgy, lifestyle and worldviews that can easily be identified with crusaders and crusadees. Elegant dressing of the preacher-evangelist stand as a model, the ideal or the epitome of success and prosperity in society. The preacher-evangelist is a representative reality of the gospel being preached. In this way, crusades are setting in place precedents, lifestyles, and patterns that should be expected to be a replica within the liturgies of the participants.
In spite of the varied background of crusaders, it was evident from our participant observation of crusade sessions that there were socio-religious values generally underscored. The crusades form of evangelism in Nairobi, as said already, was found to be exclusively Protestant, Evangelical or Pentecostal in orientation. Twelve of our eighty crusadee respondents (15%) were from the Roman Catholic Church (RCC). But we did not come across any crusade organised by Kenya's RCC. The respondents from the RCC all conceded that their church was not given to crusades as a key strategy of evangelisation. Once more, it would be right, therefore, to argue that socio-religious values that flourish within crusade fora are representative of Protestantism, but more so of the Evangelical and Pentecostal inclination.
From our checklist and analysis of sermons by crusade evangelists-preachers, some of the emphases by Protestants as noted by Weber do indeed emerge within the crusades studies. The following Table 1 carries a comparison of some of these. Some were gathered from sixty-five preachers-evangelists, sermons. Others were from twenty questionnaires completed by the preachers-evangelists.
Table 1: Some Emphases by Crusade Preachers vs Weber's Theory
Theme/Emphasis |
Evangelists' Sermons |
Evangelists' Questionnaires |
Total | ||
|
No. =65 |
% |
No.=20 |
% |
Aver. % |
Smoking/drugs Drinking Sexual infidelity Corruption Business Acumen African traditions Other faiths Faithfulness |
41 45 48 13 11 21 19 31 |
63.08 69.23 73.85 20.00 16.92 32.31 29.23 47.69 |
9 6 12 5 3 7 6 9 |
45 30 60 25 15 35 30 45 |
54.04 49.62 66.93 22.51 15.96 33.66 29.62 46.35 |
It is evident that Weber's theory very much applies here on the preachers-evangelists with regard to sexual pleasures outside marital precincts eg. prostitution, fornication, adultery; impulsive fun such as drinking-related activities. And we also see the discomfort associated with smoking and drug abuse. It is noted, however, that the crusade preachers-evangelists did not with the same latitude inspire crusadees towards lucrative business enterprises and investments. Thus, economic prosperity was not an explicit emphasis. It in fact amounted to only 15.96%, comparing lamentably with other emphases. Negativism towards African culture (33.66), and relation with other faiths (29.62%,) emerged. Further, aspects such as `anti-corruption' stance (22.51%) and being faithful and responsible servants or masters are also given place (46.35%). Succinctly, such emphases repeatedly enacted in such fora could encourage crusadees to be more adept to working hard. It is noted, however, that in an attempt to be more in keeping with a life of faith, total reliance on God as emphasised by preachers-evangelists is often not put in a way that could help or cultivate in most crusadees, the need to work hard and to be more economically enterprising.
On the whole, therefore, the extent to which the crusades affect the crusadees' economic performance as a result of participating in crusades cannot be sufficiently proved here. In fact, it was observed that there were no deliberate attempts on the part of crusaders to help participants in adequately grasping socio-economic forces at work, affecting the crusaders' as well as crusadees' destinies on a daily basis in their contextual realties. Often, references would sporadically be made, for example, on globalisation, Structural Adjustment Program (SAPs), retrenchment, unemployment, world Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF), among others. It cannot be said, however, to have been in a way to challenge the audience to profoundly understand socio-economic issues confronting them. Accordingly, the crusadees are also not significantly assisted to see socio-economic alternatives to their problems.
A more recent approach, transactional analysis, is more in keeping with the approach of Malinowski, and assumes that institutions survive because they serve the needs of individuals (Bourdillon 1990,116). This perspective emphasises the fact that society is made up of individuals and social units depending on individual decisions of particular actors. A particular pattern of behaviour, therefore, becomes a social institution and is maintained as such because a large number of individuals see that such behaviour is to their personal advantage. Despite the apparent aforementioned flaws, crusades are seen by crusadees and crusaders alike as an advantageous service. Given their natural propensity to attract huge crowds and wide variety of audience, crusades could be used to foster other socio-economic values which, by dint of our observation, so far seem to have been relegated to the periphery. This will form the discussion in Chapter Four and Five. But preceding that discussion is a literature review and an examination of the research methodology that was used in the present study.
