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Gender Policy, Women’s Political Participation, and Development in the Great Lakes Region

In Africa, the traditional social order did not recognize the woman as a full participant in community affairs. This ‘second class citizenship’ crushed her potential. However, we argue that one of the necessities of durable development is the participation of all in the definition of the objectives and the orientation of community actions. Rather than studying this subject from the negative perspective of the past and considering women as a vulnerable category, we shall emphasize the need for a new form of partnership between men and women.

‘Gender’ as an approach to development implies social struggle in that the reduction of disparities between the sexes constitutes its keystone. Gender is also a tool of analysis and evaluation as to the extent to which rights are enjoyed and exercised. It leads to examination of participation in decision-making, of access to and control of resources, of equal opportunity, and of equity between men and women.

In this article, the transformation of gender relationships in the Great Lakes region will be at the centre of our reflection. We shall emphasize improving the capacities of women to influence legislation, access to and control over resources, and public policy in general.

‘Gender’ refers to the relations between the sexes, produced by social construction. It is a biological fact that only women can give birth or nurse a baby; it is a social construction that child rearing should be left mainly to women. We subscribe to the view that social representations produce a negative impact on women and generate handicaps linked to membership in a social sex that are not always recognized and taken into account in traditional reflections, closed to the notion of gender, dealing with the socio-political orientation of African society. Stereotyped interpretations model and are themselves modelled by the social, political, economic, cultural and religious content (El Jack 2003).

The gender approach originated with scholar-activists in western countries and made its way to the Great Lakes region via international organisations. In the 1960s, UNESCO began taking an interest in women’s questions and promoting education for girls. In the 1970s, the UN stressed satisfaction of basic human needs (food, health, housing, education) and used the term ‘Women in Development’ to express the contribution women could make to satisfying those needs. However, women were seen people with problems.

In 1985, at the Nairobi Conference (organized by the UN and the Forum of NGOs) it was concluded that the ‘Women in Development’ approach had failed, because the involvement of men had been ignored. It was in this context that the ‘gender’ approach was adopted, to make up for the deficiencies of the earlier approach. Men and women were encouraged to work together to reduce the gap between them and to increase harmony in their relations, thereby avoiding all the frustration engendered by ‘Women in Development.’ In 1995, at the Beijing Conference and at the NGO forum, it was remarked that advances had been made in the areas of health and education, but that the gains of women were threatened by economic crises and by neo-liberalism (United Nations1985, 1995).

Taking into account all of the preceding, we undertook to study civil society organisations in the Great Lakes region, to learn to what extent the concept ‘gender’ has been integrated into their work. Having noticed that some organisations in the region were carrying out gender-related activities, we formulated the following research questions:

· Does there exist in each organisation a set of directing principles on integrating the gender approach?

· What are the mechanisms put in place by the three countries in order to facilitate the political participation of women?

This study was conducted during April-May 2003, during which time one of us (I. Safi) was able to visit 53 non-governmental associations working in the Great Lakes region, defined here as including Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo (Because of insecurity and limited finances, we studied only the provinces of North and South Kivu in the Democratic Republic of Congo). These three countries share a common political and social background to the point where it is difficult to discuss one without the others. The 53 NGOs that we studied include 17 women’s organisations.

The attitudes of international organisations, of governments, and of NGOs range from total failure to take women into account, to a non-sexist approach. Many indulge in stereotypes of women. Others deal with women without any consideration of the relative inequality of women in the context of gender relations. Nevertheless, with the emergence of women’s organisations and human rights organisations, some progress can be noted.

NGOs have played a significant role in the improvement of the image and the social consideration of women. These NGOs have carried out lobbying and advocacy for women, as well as local-level consciousness-raising. However, many of them encounter difficulties linked to limited human, technical and financial resources. Still others continue to work without any program or policy relating to gender.

The most basic question is whether or not a given organisation had a gender policy. We found (table 1) that only two organisations (both of them mixed organisations, i.e., with men and women members) had a clear policy of integrating gender into their activities. Eight women’s organisations and twelve mixed organisations reported no such policy. Interestingly, there were two other sorts of response to the question. Five mixed organisations, three in Rwanda, two in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), claimed to be developing a gender policy, which is encouraging.

Roughly half of all respondents claimed that they take gender into account “spontaneously” (on an ad hoc basis, rather than in execution of a policy directive). In particular, some women’s organisations claimed that they do not need a gender policy because everything they do is for women. In our opinion, such an approach is likely to lead to reinforcement of the outdated view of women as a vulnerable group.

Table 1. Existence of a gender policy in the organisation

                Note: No policy = no gender policy

The level of engagement of women in the decision-making organs of the NGOs is not very encouraging. A necessary but not sufficient condition for an organisation to defend women’s interests would appear to be a strong representation of women in the decision-making bodies of the organisation. Not surprisingly, all of the women’s organisations surveyed have a high proportion of women (55% or more) in their general assembly and in their administrative council (table 2). Women dominate most of the executive staff as well, with the exception of two Rwandan organisations for women.

Table 2. Organisations having a high proportion of women (55% or more) in decision-making posts

Note: Assembly = General Assembly

Council = Administrative Council

Executive = Executive Staff

However, the picture is very different when we turn to the mixed organisations. Only four out of 36 organisations had a high proportion of women in their executive staff; only two had a high proportion in the assembly or in the council. This suggests that women often feel more comfortable with their peers, where they can discuss freely without encountering caricatures. In the course of the interview, respondents justified this situation by the fact that women still hesitate to join mixed organisations; thus, it is not surprising that they should be weakly represented among the leaders. In fact, however, some of these organisations are the ‘chasse gardée’ of men, who do not wish to share leadership positions. All the society and women in particular must adjust their behaviour in order to permit the effective participation of all without any sexist discrimination.

Another important question concerned the initiatives undertaken by the NGOs to increase understanding of the concept ‘gender’ (table 3). We classified these initiatives into five categories:

i. Training and information;

ii. Consciousness-raising;

iii. Research on gender;

iv. Lobbying and advocacy; and

v. Support for women’s initiatives

The results show major differences from country to country. In Rwanda, the most important activity linked to understanding of gender is training and information, cited by 11 of the 18 organisations reporting such initiatives. In Democratic Republic Congo (DRC), consciousness-raising is by far the most important activity. Burundian organisations report far fewer activities of any sort than their Rwandan or Congolese counterparts.

Asked what factors hindered application of gender policy, our NGO respondents gave a wide variety of responses. We grouped these in three categories: political, economic, and socio-cultural factors (habits, customs, etc.). The differences from country to country are striking (table 4). All the Rwandan organisations cited socio-cultural factors, while none cited political factors. All the Congolese associations and 8 of 9 Burundian ones also cited socio-cultural factors. Our informants are nearly unanimous on this point, which is not surprising. However, organisations in the DRC and Burundi also cited political factors. These two countries were at war at the time of the research, whereas Rwanda has been at peace for several years. Alternatively, perhaps Rwandans are reluctant to cite political obstacles; we are unable to verify this.

Table 4: Obstacles to integration of the ‘gender’ approach

 

Country/Factors	Women’s organisations	Mixed organisations
Rwanda Political Economic Socio-cultural	026	0112
DRC Political Economic Socio-cultural	648	9318
Burundi Political Economic Socio-cultural	102	406
Total Great Lakes Political Economic Socio-cultural	7616	13 4 36

Unlike the questions discussed above, some elicited little variability. Most respondents indicated that they perceive the gender approach as a necessity for durable development. Relatively few (none of the representatives of women’s organisations, only 11 of 36 from mixed organisations) opted for an alternative view according to which ‘gender’ is an imported concept and is not necessary to development.

Every action of human development, harmonious and durable, must be based on the principles of respect for human rights and social justice, as well as the logic of economics, which imposes the efficient use of all human resources. Unfortunately, we notice that on the basis of the stereotypical division of roles, men and women are treated differently. There is an unequal division of labour according to which women are given heavy tasks and unremunerated household work, while men benefit from the revenues and other products of their work. Similar inequalities can be seen in the sharing of power and decision-making, in the distribution and control of resources, and in access to social services such as education and health.

The gender and development approach aims to correct these discriminatory practices and to ensure that the benefits of development will be equitably distributed between men and women, taking into account in particular the most needy and most vulnerable. By acceding to power and autonomy, men and women become capable of improving their living conditions by means of their own resources and their own efforts. They participate on an equal footing in the development of their community. The gender and development approach is not only a tool for integrating the relations between men and women into the development process as an important variable in male-female relations. It highlights gender disparities as a basis for strategies to promote greater justice and equity.

At the same time, men are victims of their socialisation and do not often have the opportunity to consider in depth the negative repercussions of the exclusion imposed on women, or the advantages that could result from a greater participation of women in the development process. From this point of view, gender becomes a form of social struggle favouring the participation of women as citizens. Thus, the question of citizen-participation of women is worth analysing. In the previous section, we noted that even within civil society, the participation of women is too low. Nonetheless, we propose to study the participation of women in the political sphere. It goes without saying that their weak participation at lower levels has repercussions on their participation in decision-making, from the local to the national levels. We shall examine the participation of women in each of the three Great Lakes states, taking into account the specific socio-political conditions of each.

1. Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)

The war that has raged in DRC since 1996 has upset all aspects of political, economic and social life. We see populations displaced, economic crisis without precedent, collapse of social services, decline in employment, massive and systematic human rights abuses, and the resurgence of previously eradicated contagious diseases. Rape as an instrument of war, still occurring in the East of the country, contributes to the propagation of HIV/AIDS.

The DRC has taken a giant step on the road to reconciliation by establishing a government of national unity. Until recently, the legal texts such as the labour code (Code du travail), family code (Code de la famille), etc., included discriminatory dispositions based on sex. In 2002, the Women’s Action Network (Réseau Action Femme) presented a memorandum on the suppression of all the discriminatory clauses. This is an example of participation of Congolese women in the process of positive social transformation. Congolese women are making efforts to participate more fully but they come up against difficulties linked to their low level of education, the non-respect of the constitutional principle of equality of men and women, and socio-cultural factors.

In the political sphere, they are under-represented, which makes their participation in the democratic process difficult. In the transitional government, of 35 ministerial posts, only five were attributed to women. These posts represent tasks traditionally reserved to women; none are among the key ministries (Finance, Interior, Foreign Affairs). Instead we see women ministers of Social Affairs; Humanitarian Affairs and Solidarity; Primary, Secondary and Vocational Education; Human Rights; and Posts and Telecommunications. It is unlikely that they will be able to influence major decisions.

Three of the five women ministers represent the ex-rebels of the Congo Democratic Rally (RCD-Goma), one the unarmed opposition, and one the civil society. One wonders whether the inclusion of several women in the quota assigned to the RCD reflects the influence of Rwanda, the external backer of the former rebels.

With the support of the UN Development Programme (UNDP), a national programme for the promotion of Congolese women was established. In our opinion, however, this programme reflects the earlier ‘Women in Development’ approach, according to which women are to be integrated into the development process.

The governmental structure currently responsible for the promotion of women in DRC is the General Secretariat for Women, which is part of the Ministry of Social Affairs and the Family (MASF). The very first governmental structure to promote women, known as the Executive Secretariat for the Feminine Condition, was created in 1980. It was moved from one ministry to another, for example Health, National Solidarity, before being attached to MASF. This institutional instability did not facilitate the adoption of a coherent approach or the maintenance of efforts deployed to support development of female human capital. This institutional weakness does not favour the political participation of women. The Congolese government suffers from a quasi-absence of a national policy aiming to facilitate women’s participation.

Recently, however, there have been encouraging signs from the DRC. The initial composition of the bureaux (president, vice-presidents, rapporteurs) of the five so-called ‘citizens’ institutions’ – the High Authority of the Media, the Independent Electoral Commission, the National Human Rights Observatory, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and Commission on Ethics and the Fight Against Corruption – included very few women (Berwonts 2003). The provisional constitution required only ‘substantial representation’ of women, without specifying numbers. However, persistent lobbying by women’s organisations, united under the label ‘Cause Commune’ (Common Cause), led the parliament to change this approach, when adding members to the commissions. According to an amendment to the provisional constitution voted on 26 December 2003, each of the ‘composantes’ (parties to the peace agreement, including the previous government, the RCD-Goma, the MLC, and so on) would be requested to send three members to the commissions, one of whom must be a woman (Le Parlement décide… 2003). It remains to be seen whether this approach will be applied to other governmental organs.

2. Burundi

Burundi is in a transitional phase. The agreements signed between the various parties in the conflict are largely respected, except that a rebel faction excluded from the agreements still demands its right to participate in the transitional institutions

The situation of the Burundian woman is critical, because of the total war that has ravaged the country for the past ten years. Women have become displaced persons within their own country or refugees in neighbouring countries. They have suffered from rape and other violence on a daily basis. As a result, political participation remains weak. Nonetheless, efforts are being made to improve the situation of women.

Women supposedly played a “key role” in Burundi’s peace process. They organised themselves and obtained the status of observers in the peace negotiations leading to the Arusha Accords. The Accords recognised the role of women in the process of reconstruction and suggested including women in all the structures charged with managing the reconstruction, as well as mobilising women so that they become mediators in the process of national reconciliation. These are laudable statements of intent, but of course the Accord and subsequent agreements have been reached by a government, political parties, and armed movements, all dominated by men.

During 2003, with the technical and financial assistance of the UNDP and of UNIFEM, the Burundian government defined a national policy for the promotion of gender equality. This document lays the groundwork for integration of the gender approach into all the activities of the Burundian government. Despite this policy, however, doubt persists as to its effective application. Isn’t there a danger that gender will be a secondary priority? We would wish to know how, and with what energy the Burundian government is applying its new policy.

As regards composition of the council of ministers, Burundi is not far from the schema adopted in the DRC. Of 25 portfolios, women hold only four. As one might imagine, these tend to be in areas considered ‘women’s work’: Social Action and Promotion of Women, Reintegration of Displaced Persons, Planning and Development of Reconstruction, and the Fight Against AIDS. This situation does not guarantee the full participation of women in decision-making on major questions.

Rwanda is farthest along in the process of establishing a new order. A new constitution was approved by 90% of the voters in a referendum held in May 2003. August and September saw a period of intense electoral activity – presidential elections followed by legislative elections—putting an end to the nine-year transitional period since the genocide. Contrary to the DRC and Burundi, Rwanda enjoys political and economic stability. This is a major advantage for any effort to lobby and advocate the cause of women. Already in 1996, Rwandan women assembled in the network called Pro-Femme Twese Hamwe managed to influence the law modifying the law of succession (inheritance). From then on, the surviving spouse and the children, regardless of sex, receive the same treatment as to division of property of the deceased. That was only the start of a long struggle of Rwandan women in the form of citizen participation.

The Ministry of Gender Promotion (Ministère de promotion de genre) is the public body working to reduce the chasm between the sexes. This ministry has given strong support to civil society bodies working to promote gender equality. There is a strong participation of women in government, in conformity with the new constitution, which stipulated that 30% of posts in administrative or political organs should be reserved for women, in the name of promoting gender equity. Thus, 39 of 89 deputies are women, and five of 20 senators, four of 17 ministers and five of eleven deputy ministers (Secrétaires d’Etat). Women hold the second vice presidency of each legislative chamber. Recently, a woman was chosen as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.

This break-through in women’s participation represents both laudable progress and also a challenge to women. They now must prove that they deserve to occupy these posts, by demanding influence in political decisions.

In an investigation carried out in the provinces of Butare, Gisenyi and Umutara and in the City of Kigali, 100% of 40 respondents recognized the importance of a partnership between men and women, in achieving good governance. In the same study, local leaders affirm that they have taken into account gender balance in their plan of action. Thus, women make up 30% of the representatives at the district level. This shows that women are exercising their civic rights, from the base to the summit (Sengiyumva 2003).

Women are capable of full participation but the politics of the Great Lakes sub-region have made them vulnerable. Although she possesses the same competences as her male counterpart, the woman often is named on an honorific basis than as a reflection of those competences. Sometimes she is named to a leadership post in order to fill a certain quota, due to criteria established by men. These men who wish to maintain a ‘phallocratic’ society must come to understand that African women are no longer in the traditional era.

All three countries have ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Violence against Women. Despite that and despite their numerical majority in the population, women remain poor, illiterate, and victims of violence. In short, they are a sociological minority. Women have a longer life expectancy than men; in all other respects they lag behind men.

Except in Rwanda, women’s concerns are the lowest priority. In the DRC, for example, the president and the four vice-presidents include no women. The political leaders assign to the woman a secondary place; she is more a victim than a beneficiary.

Today, the ideal political system for personal fulfilment is, of course, democracy. This system offers everyone, men and women alike, a greater space for freedom of thought and action, in respecting established laws.

It is in this context that the intervention of the NGOs that work for positive socio-political change is justified. Some of them have chosen to promote the concept ‘gender,’ as a means of reducing the flagrant inequalities between men and women. Efforts are directed at men and at women. Efforts directed at men aim to help them to understand that they must change their behaviour and perceive women as partners in development. In contrast, efforts directed at women aim to make them understand that they must acquire all the qualities necessary to the development of an accomplished female politician.

This process of change is long and slow, and women must not allow themselves to become discouraged. They must participate in the functioning of their environment, at whatever level. If they do this, male politicians will no longer dominate them and they will be able to play a significant role in healing the society. We recommend the following:

i. Women must inform themselves and participate actively in debate within their respective organisations, political parties, etc. This will demonstrate their determination to contribute effectively to the development of their respective countries.

ii. Women must develop self-confidence. They must work in synergy so as to avoid dispersion of efforts.

The key change has to be conceptual. Male decision-makers must come to see that there are costs in not taking into account gender equality. Not to take it into account will handicap development efforts and generate conflicts. They must come to understand that inequality, underdevelopment and conflict are mutually reinforcing. For their part, women must fight for their place in the sun, but an important part of their fight is to bring about this conceptual change in the minds of the men.

Berwouts, Kris (kris.berwouts@11.be). Subject: RDC/Transition: Composition des bureaux des institutions (sic) citoyennes, Date: Fri., 29 Aug. 2003, 23: 09: 41 +0200)

El Jack, Aamani.2003. Gender and Armed Conflict. Overview Report. Cutting Edge Pack. Brighton: Bridge, Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex. (http://www.ids.ac.uk/bridge)

Feller, Markus. 2001. La Violence contre les femmes au Burundi. Application de la Convention sur líÈlimination de toutes les formes de discrimination a líÈgard des femmes par le Burundi. Geneva: Organisation Mondiale Contre la Torture.

‘Le Parlement décide une représentativité de 30 % des femmes aux commissions d’appui à la démocratie,’ 28 December 2003, www.digitalcongo.net.

Sengiyumva, Vincent. 2003. The Implementation Process of Good Governance in Rwanda with Reference to Butare, Gisenyi and Umutara Provinces and Kigali City. Dissertation (memoire) submitted for Bachelor’s Degree in Public Administration, National University of Rwanda, Rwanda.

United Nations. 1985. Nairobi Forward-looking Strategies for the Advancement of Women. A/RES/48/108.

____. 1985. Resolution on Implementation of the Nairobi Forward-looking Strategies for the Advancement of Women. A/RES/49/161; A/49/349.

____. 1995. Report of the Secretary-General on Implementation of the Nairobi Forward-looking Strategies for the Advancement of Women to the Year 2000. E/CN.6/1995/3.

____. 1995. Second Review and Appraisal of the Implementation of the Nairobi Forward-looking Strategies for the Advancement of Women, Report of the Secretary-General

* E/CN.6/1995/3/Add.1 Women and Poverty

* E/CN.6/1995/3/Add.2 Inequality in Access to Education

* E/CN.6/1995/3/Add.3 Inequality in Health Services

* E/CN.6/1995/3/Add.4 Violence against Women

* E/CN.6/1995/3/Add.5 Economic Structures and Policies

* E/CN.6/1995/3/Add.6 Power and Decision-making at All Levels

* E/CN.6/1995/3/Add.7 Women and Human Rights

* E/CN.6/1995/3/Add.8 Use of Mass Media

* E/CN.6/1995/3/Add.9 Managing Natural Resources

* E/CN.6/1995/3/Add.10 International Action

(HYPERLINK "http://www.un.org/womenwatch/" http://www.un.org/womenwatch/).

____. 1995. Fourth World Conference on Women.Beijing, China - September 1995. Action for Equality, Development and Peace. Official Documents. (HYPERLINK "http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw")

* Department of Political Science, University of Rwanda. B. P. 540, Botare, Rwanda. Email: tomedwin@mail.rw

** Réseau des femmes pour la defense des droits et la paix. Email: irensafi@yahoo.fr

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