Studies on the status of women vis-à-vis men in society are neither new nor have they been fully exhausted. Research findings have begotten further studies. The emergence of feminism has added impetus to the above situation.
Language has been associated with the processes that result into gender divisions and, particularly, those that enhance social inequalities. Speech not only reflects a person's place in culture and society but also helps to create that place. (Graddol & Swann 1989:10). This position is being challenged especially by feminist. Especially feminist is challenging this position.
Despite rapid changes occurring on linguistic landscape, the Waswahili still use apt female metaphors in their communication. The relative abundance of Kiswahili metaphors used in reference to women and the lack of the same for men is a sociolinguistic situation that calls for attention. While metaphor is a venerable topic, researchers have tended to ignore it. Consequently, this research was inspired by a quest for meaning of Kiswahili female metaphors. It has as its main concern, the objective and analytical study of the nature and function of Kiswahili female metaphors.
This study represents an attempt to critically analyze sexist overtones evident in Kiswahili metaphors. Specific interest is focused on attitudes towards women questions of central focus for the research includes: What are the most frequently used metaphors in reference to women? What are the principles underlying such language usage? What are the feelings, attitudes, and opinions towards such lexical items? Would it sound natural for the same or similar metaphors to refer to men? Does the female metaphor repertoire in Kiswahili language represent the conciseness and clearness of thought of Swahili men? Does Swahili men? Does Swahili community use metaphors of the same or similar kind? Why?
This research set forth to study in depth Swahili metaphors used in reference to women. It undertook to identify and describe detailedly main characteristics of specific female metaphors. As the linguistic items were dealt with, the study unravelled shreds of sexism and their contextual implications.
For quite sometime now, a systematic analysis of Kiswahili female metaphors has been lacking. This study was an attempt to fill such a gap. Its principal aim was to identify Kiswahili female metaphors and to critically analyze attitudes of both men and women towards them. A number of similar studies would contribute to a better understanding of how women are regarded by their male counterparts.
Foremost among fundamental goals of the research was not simply to describe but to explain and analyze aspects of female metaphors in Kiswahili language. The objective for the research was the formulation of clear and satisfying explanations of this language behavior.
By placing women and their referents as the central focus, the study sought to explore wider dimensions of the topic and open it up for further investigation.
In the light of the knowledge and theories of Kiswahili culture available, and as a basis for the research on the sexist nature of Kiswahili metaphors, the following premises were held to be true:
First, metaphors used in reference to females in Swhaili community define ideas about what a woman is what she may or may not do.
Second, that meaning of metaphors in Kiswahili is not an inherent but an emergent property of words and sentences.
Third, sexist metaphors, more than any other linguistic device, underscore the abominable male chauvinism that characterises Swahili societal life.
Fourth, generally, sexist metaphors work against women: they make them appear subordinate to males.
Fifth, metaphors in Kiswahili are related to a complex framework of the knowledge, experience, expectations, attitudes and beliefs that Kiswahili users have and share.
A wide body of research has been done on the status of women in society. Linguists, ethnographers, literary critics, aesthecists, philosophers, anthropologists, sociologists and historians, among other social scientists, have explored various aspects of social life and how they affect the social-cultural development of women. These scientists have endeavoured to formulate theories to explain their findings. However, conditions that make deductively formulated theory appropriate as a model of explanation have not yet been approached in Kiswahili linguistics. This unfortunate and deplorable state of affairs is largely attributable to the scarce, uncoordinated and undeveloped linguistic and applied researches in Kiswahili.
This research, therefore, adopted the "genderlect" theory (Haas, 1979). According to Haas' exposition, male and female speeches differ in their form, topic, content and use. Haas posits that a comprehensive theory of generlect must include information about linguistic features under a multiplicity of conditions. In Kiswahili, a theory is desideratum still undeveloped. Consequently, it is envisaged that findings in this study will be a contribution to a comprehensive genderlect theory not only in Kiswahili, but also in universal linguistics.
Brown (1980) recommends that an explanation of linguistic sex differences should consider the possibility that one reason for these differences may lie in the fact that women and men may be trying to achieve different things through language. Against this background, therefore, it became imperative to study Kiswahili female metaphors with a view to finding reasons to why the tropes are used. Questions were asked as to possible aims of men using these linguistic items and the ramifications upon women who are the referents.
Nevertheless, this study was cautious of Moulton's (1981:109) warning that:
...one cannot account entirely for the meaning of a term by the intentions of the speaker on particular occasion. The meaning of a term involves, among other things, its expected interpretation, the way it functions with other terms, and its use in linguistic enterprises such as reasoning.
Kiswahili female metaphors were analyzed with due consideration given to their form, topic, content and contextual use. The discussion of the structural organization of the metaphors was done so as to arrive at the expression of their content and the uniqueness of the metaphor as opposed to other tropes. On the topic of the metaphors, it is revealed in this research that they are mainly used to show a strong and passionate personal affection and attachment. However, in some instances, some of the metaphors are vilifications. The content of the metaphors was found to be descriptive and evaluative. It attempts to evoke a dual interest, one in the objects presented, and the other in ideas communicated - by their users. Lastly, it is was discovered that female metaphors are used by men in reference to women so as to inform, persuade, reassure, soothe, cajole, ridicule and assert.
Generally, there is a lot of research on language and meaning (e.g. Bloomfield 1914, Hymes 1964, Chomsky 1972 & 1976, Williams 1973, Hoover 1975, Halliday 1978, Haas 1979, Moore & Carling 1987, Hill 1988). However, there is no specific and detailed body of literature focusing on metaphors, leave alone female metaphors.
The concept of "metaphor" has been elusive to anthropologists, philosophers, linguists, critics, aestheticists and psychologists. Despite its common place and apparent familiarity, this trope has defied any lucid definition. As a result of this fluidity, it's meaning, nature, operation and function have remained subject of much speculation and disagreement.
Aristotle (Poetics) 1458b; cf. Rhetoric 1405a) defined metaphor as the recourse to a name of another type, or as the transferring to one object of a name of another. He went further and said thus of the metaphor:
...the greatest thing so far is to be a master of metaphor. It is the one thing that cannot be learnt from others; and it is also a sign of genius, since a good metaphor implies an intuitive perception of the similarity in dissimilars.
The picture Aristole is painting here is that knowledge of use and meaning of metaphor is an exceptionally great mental or creative ability. This is so especially in the light of the fact that a special character of the metaphor is the transference of a name - and by extension behavior - of one object to another. One needs the power of understanding the metaphor immediately without the need for conscious reasoning or study.
In his examination of metaphor, Murry (1931) observes that its investigation is curiously like the investigation of any of the primary data of consciousness. He sees metaphor being as ultimate as thought. Murry's observation distinguishes metaphor as an intricate and intriguing trope. The metaphor is difficult to understand because it is the greatest or most fundamental power or act of speaking and thinking. Yet naturally, being the most advanced speech or thought, metaphor arouses interest and fascination in people.
As Murry points out "if we try to penetrate beyond a certain point, we find ourselves questioning the very faculty and instrument with which we are trying to penetrate them. A metaphor's charm is in its creation of a new reality from which the original appears to be unreal (Stevens, 1957). Like Henle (1958) contends, it is a way of using the sense of something familiar or concrete to refer to something remote or unfamiliar.
Richards (1965) points out that metaphor involves a comparison, which arises from the interaction between the "tenor" and "vehicle". According to him, the two are the most essential elements of a metaphor. The tenor is the discourse or subject which the vehicle illustrates or illuminates; or stated another way, the tenor is the idea being expressed. A metaphor is therefore said to be operational both in the speaker's perception of the world and how they affectively experience themselves in that situation. Leech (1974) concedes that through its power of realigning conceptual boundaries, metaphor can achieve a communicative effect which in a sense is beyond language. Preminger (1974) argues that metaphor is used for adornment, liveliness, elucidation, or agreeable mystification. He further asserts that metaphor not only transfers and alters meaning but may also pervert it. That metaphor is a decorative but inexact alternative to what honest and forthright consideration would disclose in a literal form.
Writing on "The Social Function of Rhetorical Forms" Crocker (1977: 46) quotes Kenneth Burke thus:
Rhetoric persuades; it engages the active intellectual attention, as well as the emotive responses of the listener ... Figurative language does not just express the pertinence of certain cultural axioms to given social conditions; it provides the semantic condition through which actors deal with reality, and these conditions are general to all social contexts and all actors within that society.
From the foregoing, it becomes clear that when used, metaphor is meant to convince. The conviction is realized through its activity and effectiveness on the part of the learner's emotions and feelings. The socio-cultural background then forms a crucial context within which beliefs and attitudes of the hearer are based. Used in this situation, a metaphor then is a reflection of the user's subtle worldview.
Metaphors have the role of defining a relationship between the tenor and the vehicle. However, they cannot be logically defined by paraphrase nor put to test over their truthfulness (Sapir, 1977: 3). On his part, Gossen (1979:716) calls a metaphor a Kingpin in the game of human meaning and creative thought.
In Kiswahili literature, very little has been written on the metaphor as a distinct figure of speech. This is in spite of the ubiquity of the trope in everyday Kiswahili usage. The scarcity of pertinent literature on metaphor in Kiswahili is attributable more to the ambiguity that the concept creates than to unwillingness on the part of scholars to delve in it. The confusion in terminologies and explanations of Kiswahili equivalents of such tropes as synecdoche, metonymy, simile and personification attest to this claim. Nevertheless, two Swhaili scholars, Shariff (1983) and Chacha (1987) have attempted to elucidate this linguistic phenomenon which little has been said about although there is a lot to say.
Shariff (1983) praises metaphor as having an overriding cultural purpose in Swahili society. He cautions that Swahili metaphor seldom, if ever, allows one to limit meaning to a specific incident, providing it with only a single interpretation. Among the reasons he mentions for the heavy use of metaphor in Kiswahili are the cultural norms that moulded and equipped the language with ways and means of expressing thoughts and feelings on sensitive subjects. This is meant to conceal real meaning from being public. The reader or listener has the right to give a metaphor any specific meaning he/she wishes so long as their thoughts do not go beyond the perimeters set by the context in which the metaphor is used (Shariff, 1983: 23-24).
Sheriff's exposition, albeit narrow, is an invaluable basis for the understanding of the use of Kiswahili metaphors. This study, specifically dealing with female metaphors, details, clarifies and shows cultural use of the trope, its various interpretations, thoughts and feelings on sensitive issues, and the limits of such interpretation.
Chacha (1987) lauds the role played by the history of the Waswahili and their environmental realities in interpreting metaphor. Within the Swahili community, there is a specific category of metaphors that are employed for women as opposed to the ones for men.
Metaphors that are used to refer to women are those on which an action can be done. They are victims and recipients of an action while men are the doers and instigators. This study is concerned with a specific category of metaphors - female metaphors. It shows the place of history and particular circumstances influencing the interpretation and meaning given to them.
Lakoff (1975) asserts that the marginality and powerlessness of women to the serious concerns of life is reflected in both the ways women are spoken off. Lakoff further claims that as a result of language working against treatment of women, their personal identity is linguistically submerged. This study, dealing with how women are spoken off, shows how they are isolated, looked down upon and viewed as insignificant. This is done within the perimeters of Kiswahili female metaphors.
Bllom and Lahey (1978) point out that language use consists of the socially and cognitively determined selection of behaviours according to the goals of the speaker and the context of the situation. Research findings in this report have contextualized female metaphors with significant emphasis on social dictates upon users.
The Feminist Movement has opened people's eyes to the deep and varied ways in which the ideals and institutions of their cultures oppress women. Consequently in recent years there has been considerable interest on studies related to women. However, most studies have tended to discuss the status of women in general or are concerned with sexist language in general. Nevertheless, one of the major recent developments in linguistics and its neighbouring disciplines is the increasing attention being paid to the relevance of various kinds of context. Attempts are being made in sociolinguistics, and the social sciences at large, to define the systematic relationships between social and cultural contexts and the structure and functions of language.
Today there is a charming curiosity in the relationship between language and society. As a tool of communication, and being the most intimate manifestation of the culture by which it has been created, concern is with how language affects its creators who are also its users. It is common knowledge that the fundamental purpose of language is to transfer meaning between interlocutors. Kiswahili female metaphor serves this purpose. But for any language to have meaning, human knowledge, skills and attitudes are crucial. In Kiswahili language, metaphors are both abstract and concrete referents. The terms do not mean the same thing to all people everywhere. Each individual is forced to refer the symbols to his/her own experience, and certainly no two persons have the same background of experience. Even in circumstances where the metaphor used represents approximately the same concepts of different people, their reaction may differ considerably.
Notwithstanding the effort in sociolinguistics and social sciences, research has not yet gone far enough to answer satisfactorily all the questions about female language. Particularly wanting is a systematic diagnosis of female metaphors characteristic of most, if not all, societies. This sensitive issue has not received objective attention. This particular situation in Swhaili community is very widespread, although it is rarely mentioned, let alone satisfactorily described. A full explanation of it is of considerable use in sociolinguistics and Social Sciences in general.
While the issue of attitudes towards women based on sexist overtones in Kiswahili metaphors is not the primary concern of criticism, it cannot be completely ignored. For instance, the question of how typical a female metaphor is a Sociological one. But the suitability of the metaphor to the women and her role in society are questions that should fascinate a literary critic as much. Discrimination against women in language has to be regarded as a social issue as much as a linguistic one.
This study is educative in its own right, but it is even more valuable as a tool in illuminating the social importance of Kiswahili language. The purpose of the project is to introduce scholars interested in Kiswahili to a vital but little-known genre - the female metaphor.
The metaphors help to elucidate the intricacies of certain actions and motives, and to explain the attitudes of individuals. Metaphor is of immense functional importance in Kiswahili language. Exploration and discussion of this trope points up some continuities in the use of the device and further throws light on probable contextual progeny of the same.
This study is meant to open up discussions, arguments and more refined researches in similar, if not the same, aspects of language use world. Not only is the research a valuable contribution to the literature on women, it also points out an important direction in which to focus some of the current studies and generalizations about women.
Thirty Swahili volunteer respondents of varying ages were interviewed as to their attitudes towards Kiswahili female metaphors. This was a preliminary step towards the formulation of an interview guide, detection of discrepancies and polishing of the questionnaire. The exercise also helped secure a pool of details which deepened perception and understanding of the community setting.
Results of the pilot study were utilised in the general polishing and improvement of research procedures, techniques and tools. For instance, when respondents appeared unclear over exactly what female metaphors were, the interviewers propped them by giving some examples. Further, it was evidently clear that interviewees were not at ease talking over the subject of female metaphors. This made it imperative for the research team to rely more on questionnaire as a tool of collecting data and avoiding inter-personal contact, which instigated shyness. This problem was more prevalent with women than men, explanation being that "love" is a taboo subject not to be engaged in freely.
Field researchers were strict in their observation of paralinguistic features, which formed a source of information too.
Kiswahili speakers are many and dispersed far apart. As such, it was decided that attitudes towards female metaphors be collected from part of this large population. The main objective was to secure a sample, which would reproduce characteristics of the whole population as closely as possible. Mombasa Island was chosen to represent the whole Swahili populace. Several factors contributed to the choice of the isle.
First, the indigenous Kiswahili dialect spoken at Mombassa, Kimvita, is central among Kiswahili dialects. Being a city experiencing immigration, Mombassa may be considered to be a home to most of the dialects of Kiswahili spoken along the East African coast. Consequently, it was felt that most, if not all, of the common Kiswahili female metaphors were present. On this premise, data collected was envisaged to be representative enough.
Second, Kiswahili language is reputed to have originated in the central part of the East African Coast. Precisely, it is alleged to have its genesis at Ngozi, which is not far from Mobassa.
Third, fully and truly developed Swahili culture is to be found in the coastal towns of East Africa, of which Mombassa is one.
Lastly, due to a limited area of operation, careful execution of fieldwork was carried out and processing of data collected done more accurately to produce better results. Findings are considered sufficiently accurate and adequate to permit valid generalizations.
A total of 200 respondents were chosen and contacted. There were 100 male and an equal number of female respondents.
A questionnaire was designed and distributed to experts for comments before distribution. Thereafter, it was drafted and pre-tested. It was then revised and polished before being sent to people who could not be reached physically by the research team. The questionnaire was a mixed one.
Questions asked were definite, concrete and direct. For instance, respondents were asked to name any metaphors used in reference to women known to them. Further, the interviewees were asked to check in their years and sex.
Apart from closed questions, there were open-ended questions which elicited free responses. These were framed so that respondents could freely express their minds and reasons for giving particular answers.
Lastly, some of the questions needed specifics in form of opinions and attitudes. For example, respondents were asked their opinions toward use of Kiswahili metaphors.
Non-formalized interviews were executed with some respondents. In one planned interview, two resource persons were interviewed on a wide range of issues concerning Swahili culture. The discussion, which was tape-recorded, provided a wealth of information, which was corroborated against collected data. Specifically, the interview served to elucidate a number of issues, which were contentious yet useful and integral to this research.
In order to implement the research project more expeditiously, the interviewers were trained in the art of science of interviewing. First, the objectives of the research were outlined and explained to them. Specific skills, like building rapport, probing and recording of responses and self-confidence, were emphasized.
The interview was based on determined questions. The ultimate goal here was to achieve greater uniformity and precision, and at the same time eliminating self-bias. However, interviewers were cautioned against being mechanical and rigid. Thus, they were allowed to be flexible without distorting questions and aims of the research.
Participant observation technique was employed where structured procedures would not be utilised. Accurate watching and noting of respondents' para-linguistic characteristics was done with regard to the phenomenon of Kiswahili female metaphors. As interviews were conducted, reactions and responses were noted. Glances, bodily movements and gestures were found to be good cues as to the opinions and attitudes held by respondents.
Documentary data sources were utilized in this study. Records, reports, autobiographies and pictures were consulted, analyzed and evaluated. The aim was to gain a clearer perspective of the Swahili people and their culture in general, and language use in particular. Findings were subjected to careful criticism and corroboration so as to authenticate their contents.
