The purpose of this section is to shed some light on three major areas which are felt to be central in the understadning of Kiswahili female metaphors. The components, introduced in this section and discussed more in detail later in the chapter, are the culture of the Waswahili; Kiswahili language, and Swahili women in profile. Background to Swahili society and culture will contribute to a broader appreciation of hidden meanings of their metaphors. It can substantially enhance one's understanding and enjoyment of the metaphors discussed.
To a large extent, Swahili culture has been influenced by Arabic culture. The long association of the Waswahili and Arabs has had a lasting bearing on Swahili life. However, Arabic influence never destroyed the identity of Swahili culture.
Among the indigenous Swahili, carpentry, masonry and smithing were rated very highly. The Waswahili were also expert dancers and poets, who praised virtues of their life. Poetry as an art is reputed to have its origin among the northern Kenya coastal towns of Lamu and Pate from where it spread to Mombassa, Tanga, Zanzibar and Pemba. Kiswahili poetry was, and indeed still is, rich in homiletic works, historical chronicles, heroic songs, lyrics, love-ballads and humorous dialogues. The whole range of Swahili poetry was a perfect reflection of the Swahili life.
The Waswahili lived in earthen walls and stone-bulit towns. Their house plans were decorated with plasterwork that gave them a conspicuous and admirable appearance.
The religion of the Waswahili was Islam, which they embraced after the coming of Arabs. As a result of the meeting of Arabs and indigenous Africans at the coast of East Africa, most Waswahili became Moslems. This religion spread deep in the interior of East Africa and with it the Kiswahili language.
Kiswahili is one of the world's major languages. In 1992, it was estimated to have a total number of speakers close to 70 million people all over the world, a majority of whom are found in East Africa (Mulokozi, 1992). It extends northward into southern Somalia, southward to northern Mozambique, eastward to Pemba, Zanzibar, the Comoros and Madagascar, and westward into Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi and eastern and southern Zaire.
In Kenya and Tanzania, Kiswahili enjoys twin advantages of being the national and also official Language. Owing to its status and role on the African continent, the language has the distinction of being recognized by the Organization of African Unity (O.A.U.) as an official language. The importance of this language is reflected in the manner in which it is gaining wider use worldwide. The language is broadcast on many international radio stations and also taught in quite a number of European and American Universities.
Kiswahili s one of the most creative and dynamic of African tongues: its musical ring and graceful diction, poetic eloquence and richness of vocabulary, its remarkable heritage of a large body of literature as well as its ability to express extraordinarily subtle shades of meaning are today widely recognized not only in Africa but throughout the world (Shariff, 1983:1) Culturally, Kiswahili is a major language because of its age and influence of its cultural heritage. It is an ancient literary language. Communication and transport networks accelerated the spread, development and use of Kiswahili in many parts of eastern Africa. It is a neutral unifying language devoid of political domination. It is the language that freedom fighters used to rally support against white domination.
The term Kiswahili covers a series of about 16 dialects spread mainly along the coast of East Africa (see appendices II & III). Some of the dialects have become extinct while others are fast disappearing. Standard Kiswahili developed by European colonialists in the 1930s, is the dominant one. Although Kiswahili faces a problem of adequate scientific and technological vocabulary, this does not mean that it is simple. Concerted efforts by individuals and organizations are determined to cancel the deficit. Like any new national language, Kiswahili is ably grappling with the problem of scientific and technological terms.
Various theories have been advanced by a cross-section of people claiming that Kiswahili is either an Arabic language or a cross-breed between Arabic and Bantu languages. These hypotheses have been discounted by linguistic, archaeological, documentary and oral-traditional evidence (Nurse 1985, Bernd 1970, Khalid 1986, etc). These researchers have argued that the ancestors of the present Waswahili were Bantus who spoke a Bantu language at the coast many centuries before the coming of Arab colonialists. Their earliest language is said to have been Kingozi. Kingozi (language) has since undergone fundamental linguistic metamorphosis, rendering it hardly intelligible. However, this variety of Kiswhaili language can still be traced in the most treasurable of the Pre-Twentieth Century Swahili literature - poetry.
Bernd (1970) traces the origin of Kiswahili language to between AD 700-800 around the Tana River delta. When Arabs came around AD 500 they enriched the indigenous language (Kingozi) with a heavy dose of Arabic words and structure. This situation is not unique to Kiswahili language to warrant it qualify as a foreign or even a hybrid language. It is natural for languages that come into contact to influence each other. English, Germany, French are not exceptional.
With a need to harmonize communication among the various speakers of Kiswahili language along the East African coast, Christian missionaries picked and developed the Kiunguja dialect spoken at Zanzibar into the standard Kiswahili. At present, Kiswahili has taken on many foreign words from not only Arabic but such languages as Persian, Hindu, Germany, French, Portuguese and English as well. All the loan words, blended with indigenous orthography and pronunciation have given Kiswhaili a large pool of vocabulary. With the current spread of Kiswhaili, it is only safe to say with confidence that this language is destined to grow richer linguistically.
The very wide territorial domain of Kiswahili language renders the issue of who the true Waswahili are a very contentious one. Abdallah Khalid (1979) has two versions of answers to the question. First, he says a true Swahili is a speaker of any one of the true Swahili dialects who has learnt it as his first language in life or knows it better than any other language. This explanation is as difficult to grasp as it is elusive. The issue of dialectology is itself a tricky one. How true a dialect is not easy to discern. Secondly, Khalid sees true Waswahili as those who live on the coast of East Africa, and or off-shore islands, between Barawa in Southern Somalia and Tanga on the northern Tanzania coast. However, regardless of who the true Waswahili are, it is not wrong to say that Kiswhaili language has been embraced by many people in Eastern Africa where its use is becoming ubiquitous. With its international status, the language is bound to belong to more people not merely the coastals and islanders of East Africa or any particular group of people as such.
Generally, the language presents many challenges of a sociolinguistic kin some have already received a good deal of attention; others have so far been comparatively neglected. For instance, Kiswahili language is highly figurative, the most common figure of speech used being the metaphor. However, as pointed earlier, no research worthy a name has been done on this aspect of language use.
The picture of a Swahili women that will emerge in this section is bound to be very general. It is an image borne out of culture. It is hoped that the discussion will acquaint the reader with the necessary background information to understand the state of a woman in Swahili society in a chronological manner.
As pointed earlier on in this work Islam had an immense impact on the social life of the Waswahili. As regards women, the religion affected their lot in several crucial ways. It accepted women in society and recognized their privileges and rights. The ideal image of women held by Swahili society is primarily one transmitted by tradition and custom. This section looks at women in childhood, courtship, marriage and divorce. These are envisaged to be the most crucial phases of a woman's social life.
Religion, education and family are institutions that greatly influence the life of a new born baby girl. It is them that impart into the girl the notion that girls were expected to grow up to become wives and subsequently mothers. As a result, girls in their early childhood were not supposed to be assertive. Rather, they were required to submit to male authority right from their homes. Fathers and brothers were to be highly respected by their daughters and sisters. Any behaviour to the contrary earned the victim the wrath of the society who viewed her suspiciously.
The patriarchal practices in the girls home were a prelude to what she would expect upon marriage where her husband perpetuated them.
From birth throughout their youth, girls were always under constant care of family members especially females. Their socialization included preparation for female gendered roles in society. Central to this process was the awareness that a girl's ultimate aim was marriage. Thus, girls were expected to be of good conduct so that they could succeed in securing right husbands. This preoccupation with later marriage did interfere with female education as this was relegated to the periphery resulting in high illiteracy rates for Muslim women.
On reaching puberty, every family was concerned of its girl's marriage. This was especially so considering societal expectation upon a girl on marriage. Virginity was revered an a girl who maintained it not only earned herself respect in society, but also bestowed her parents' reputation. It was a sign of good upbringing and religious observance of morals. However, in cases where parents (fathers) feared that their daughter were endangered as concerns moral values, they were permitted by religious law to marry off minor girls to forestall impending dangers.
The coming of age by a Muslim girl was normally an anxious moment not only for the girls alone but also their family members. It was at this stage that a suitor was expected to make a proposal for marriage. Failure for any man to register interest in a young girl did not augur well for her as spinsterhood was stigmatized.
A Muslim girl was normally not expected to conclude her own marriage. The practice was that her guardian, who was the father or his designate, was supposed to execute it. However, where a girl went ahead and entered a marriage contract with a man, such a marriage would only be valid through the father's approval or that of his appointee. Women did not have role to play as far as the formalizing of a marriage contract was concerned.
In case a girl did not have neither a father nor a designate guardian, or when either of the above refused to validate a marriage contract without a just cause, a Kadhi was normally the final arbiter.
Swhaili society is a married society. The socialization of a girl was geared towards having a partner sooner rather than later. A Muslim woman was expected to marry a fellow Muslim man. Marriage to any other man was not well reviewed. This rule, however, was not based on Islamic religious teaching. But it was generally thought that a non-Muslim husband would coerce his wife into joining his religion, which was against the Kuran. Further, it was believed that a non-Muslim man would not understand properly a woman's natural weaknesses and thus may mistreat her. This again is against Islamic teaching.
Before entering marriage, a woman had to be permitted by her father or his designate guardian. Marriage contract was no woman's affair. However, in case a woman concluded her marriage without prior involvement of her guardian, his word was sought in validating it. But where a woman did not have a father, a male relative or when the above refused to sanction marriage without reasonable ground, a Muslim woman was expected to turn to a judge to perform this function. With the latter possibility failing, Islamic religious tenets, under the principle of general guardianship, empower any Muslim man of sound mind to step in. Marriage contract entered by the woman without a guardian consent, but based on genuine fear and suspicion that further dilatory would likely affect adversely the woman had to be respected.
Once married, a woman's major role was two-fol wife and mother. These were complimentary roles with the former automatically leading to the latter. The contrary would be a contributory factor to co-wifery. A married woman may have up to four co-wives. It is acceptable. While men enjoy the privileges of marrying up to four wives, the same could not be said of married women. It is argued that a faithful woman does not serve two or more husbands. She is not expected to give her love to any other man apart from the husband.
Procreation is considered almost the most important aspect of a marriage. Apart from pleasing her husband and caring for his needs, a wife was expected to bear children. This was important in perpetuating the husband's name and that of his clan. For women, having children was considered the essence of marriage as it provided security and pride. A childless marriage was stigmatized, pitied and even ridiculed.
Upon marriage, a woman was expected to execute a number of the institution's duties. She is expected to be always reserved and smart. A husband's word, they were trained, was to be observed with religious obedience. Behaving to the contrary was viewed suspiciously by society. In most cases, Muslim men had the right of stopping their wives from working as long as there was reason for this and that in that case the husband had to provide for her. This did not mean that Islam forbade women from employment where and when necessary. The roles of a woman in society as a mother and wife were considered as the most sacred and essential ones. The need to bring up upright, complex-free, and carefully-reared children cannot be done by substitutes (Badawi: 1981:21).
A woman well schooled in Islam understands upon marriage that society allows her husband to marry up to four wives. Therefore, Moslem women are prepared for a polygamous marriage. Nevertheless, before this arrangement is arrived at, the husband must give reasonable grounds warranting another marriage. Among the common reasons for polygamy include sexual dissatisfaction, barrenness, rudeness and illness. When a man finally picks on another woman for marriage, he is expected to provide for them equally without favour. However, due to human weaknesses, this need is almost impossible to satisfy.
Divorce among Moslems is detested, but not always unavoidable. Non-fulfillment of marital social obligations by either spouse is a recipe for separation. As Badawi (1980:19) rightly observes:
As the woman's right to decide about her marriage is recognized, so also her right so seek an end for an unsuccessful marriage is recognized. To provide for the stability of the family, and in order to protect it from hasty decisions under temporary emotional stress, certain steps and waiting periods should be observed by men and women seeking divorce. Considering the relatively more emotional nature of women, a good reason for asking for divorce should be brought before the judge. Like the man, however, the woman can divorce her husband without resorting to the court, if the nuptial contract allows that.
From this quote, it is evidently clear that men still enjoy privileges over women as far as divorce is concerned. Whereas a man can divorce his wife "freely", a woman cannot do the same to her husband unless she gives a good reason because of her "more emotional nature". Further, divorce cannot be effected by a woman if nuptial contract does not allow it. Not even sexual dissatisfaction! That is not "a good reason". On the contrary, a man is free to marry a second wife if the first does not fully satisfy him sexually.
Nevertheless, when divorce is sought as a last resort, all channels toward reconciliation should have been explored and exhaustively exploited. Marriage is never a man-wife affair alone. Consequently, family members from both sides have crucial roles to play in moderating uneven relationships. However, with modernization and less observance of religious rules, a divorce unilaterally taken is not uncommon among Muslims. Generally, a husband can divorce his wife three times. Women have such rights too. In most cases, either spouse may finally end up at the Kadhi's court for a final decision to be taken. Grounds for divorce on the part of women include impotence, incurable diseases, non-maintenance, desertion and cruelty and mistreatment. In all these instances, a wife is required by law to prove by evidence or the husband admits liability. In the event of the above cases being proved, court decrees an irrevocable divorce. This decision is taken considering that sincere matrimony becomes almost impossible and temptation to adultery almost irresistible.
This chapter gives a background against which Kiswahili female metaphors may be analyzed, understood and appreciated. It shows that Arabic way of life has had a profound influence on the Waswahili of Mombassa. The ways of worship, socialization and family system of the Waswhaili resemble to a large extent those of the early Arabs. The early contacts these two groups of people had not only influenced their cultural ways, but also economic life.
It has been shown that metaphors can only be properly understood with a thorough knowledge of the language, which is its medium of expression. Kiswhaili has been shown to be one of the world's major languages. This is especially so considering its territorial domain, historical and cultural importance.
The image drawn here of a woman from childhood to marriage is a general one. It shows the importance attached to females throughout their lives. Socialization agents like the family and religion greatly influence a woman's latter outlook in life.
