This chapter is organized into three sections. The first section summarizes the major findings of the study, the second section presents a discussion of those findings and the conclusions emanating from the study are presented in the third section.
6.1 Summary of Major Findings
The central focus of the study was to test for similar and/or differential treatment of male and female teaching professionals in Botswana. This was achieved by comparing t-test results for mean workplace experiences for men compared to women. Before this process, however, attempts were made to assess the overall levels in perceived workplace treatment in the teaching profession as a whole. This was preceded by an assessment of pre-entry discrimination (construed in terms of the recruitment process) and of the global post-entry discrimination.
6.1.1 Gender-Based Inequalities in the Teaching Profession
The results showed that the teaching profession was characterized by moderate levels of gender based discrimination during recruitment. The overall (global) perceived levels in discrimination were also shown to be moderate. In addition, moderate levels of intrinsic rewards were observed in the study. The only exception was the high intrinsic reward task significance. The profession was also characterized by moderate extrinsic rewards (that is, job security, promotional opportunities and access to managerial positions) and social support conditions (supervisory support, work group cohesion, grievance procedures and socialization practices). Concerning workplace stresses, the results revealed that the teaching profession was high in work overload, moderate in role conflict and resource inadequacy but low in role ambiguity and sexual harassment.
T-tests for mean differences in perceptions in discrimination in recruitment to the teaching profession showed that women's perceived discrimination in recruitment was substantially higher than that for men. Both males and females reported moderate and statistically equal levels in global discrimination. The results provide partial support for the study's first hypothesis that, relative to males, female teachers are likely to experience greater discrimination in hiring/recruitment practices and in overall discrimination.
Results for mean differences in intrinsic rewards provided weak support for the study's second hypothesis that the teaching profession afforded inferior intrinsic and extrinsic rewards for female teaching professionals compared to their male counterparts. Female teachers were substantially lower than males only in three out of ten intrinsic and extrinsic rewards analysed. These were the intrinsic rewards of upward communication and task significance and the extrinsic reward of pay. Contrary to expectations, women teachers reported substantially high levels of participation in decision-making relative to men. Both groups were found to be statistically equal in the intrinsic rewards of autonomy and professional growth opportunities and in the extrinsic reward of promotional opportunities, promotional rate and access to managerial positions.
Male and female teachers were found to differ significantly in only one out of four workplace support conditions analysed. That is, relative to men, women reported substantially lower levels in grievance procedures but were statistically equal to men in supervisory support, work group cohesion and socialization practices. This represents very weak support for the study's third hypothesis that women teaching professionals perceive work environments to be less supportive than men do. Although both groups reported moderate levels in perceived stresses, except for work overload, where males were moderate and females high, the results showed that males differed significantly from females in four out of five stresses analysed. As expected, female teaching professionals were substantially higher in perceived work overload, role ambiguity, role conflict and levels of sexual harassment. This provides very strong support for the fourth hypothesis of the study.
6.1.2 Gender Differences in Affective Orientations
Concerning affective orientations toward work, the results showed that substantial gender differences existed for men and women teachers in job satisfaction, organizational commitment and intent to remain in the teaching profession. As expected, female teaching professionals were found to be significantly lower in job satisfaction but higher in organizational commitment and intent to stay. This strongly supported the study's fifth hypothesis that female teaching professionals are likely to be lower in job satisfaction but higher in their commitment to the employing organization and in their intention to stay in the teaching profession. No substantial group differences were observed with regard to commitment to the teaching profession.
6.1.3 Gender Differences in Valuation of Workplace Conditions
The final objective of this study was to assess for gender differences in the valuation of workplace conditions. Overall, mean scores indicated that both male and female teachers in Botswana highly valued all conditions studied. In a scale of 1 to 5, with a 5 indicating that a reward was `of great importance', mean scores for male and female teaching professionals were 4.0 points and higher in all intrinsic and extrinsic rewards, support condition (save work group cohesion) and workplace stresses. The means for males and females in work group cohesion were 3.40 and 3.34 points. Substantial group differences were only observed in four out of sixteen conditions analysed. That is, male teachers valued the intrinsic rewards of autonomy and task significance, the extrinsic reward of promotional opportunities, and non-conflicting job requests substantially more than their female counterparts.
6.2 Discussion
Presented under this section of the study is an interpretative discussion of the results summarized above including the degree to which the study hypotheses were supported. For ease of presentation, the discussion is organized utilizing the format adopted for the presentation and summary of the study results starting with the levels of perceived gender-based inequalities in the teaching profession.
6.2.1 Gender Based Inequalities in the Teaching Profession
To reiterate, the core focus of the study was the perceived nature and extent of gender discrimination in the teaching profession. It sought to establish whether the teaching profession favoured men over women in terms of pre-entry discrimination and within the job discriminations. Overall, the study results point to low levels of disadvantage suffered by women in the teaching profession in Botswana.
Out of four hypotheses focusing on various forms of gender-based inequalities in the teaching profession, only one received very strong support. The first hypothesis that the teaching profession puts females at a disadvantage in terms of hiring/recruitment practices and that it discriminates against them was partially supported. That is, female teachers perceived greater discrimination during hiring but were equal to male teachers in their perceived overall discrimination characteristic of the teaching profession. While hypothesis two that the teaching profession afforded inferior intrinsic and extrinsic rewards to women received weak support, the third hypothesis about gender differences in support conditions was very weakly supported. Only the fourth hypothesis reflecting the differences between men and women in workplace stresses received very strong support. Women teachers perceived themselves as being more overworked, experiencing greater lack of role clarity, getting more conflicting job requests and experiencing greater sexual harassment relative to male teachers.
The low levels in gender-based discrimination during recruitment and in the profession recorded by the study could be interpreted variously. First, these can be a reflection of the domination of the teaching profession in Botswana by women. This is particularly true about primary school teaching from which many of those studied were drawn. Because the profession is dominated by women, competition during recruitment is mainly between women themselves rather than between men and women. In addition, the situation could be explained in terms of what has often been termed the `own-gender referents' hypothesis (see e.g., Crosby 1982; Hodson 1989 Kessler and McRae 1982; Zanna, Crosby and Lowenstein 1987). That is, in labour markets such as the one associated with the teaching profession where women tend to predominate, women mainly compare themselves to other women rather than to men and the experience/perception of discrimination that may accrue in the process of justice evaluation is diminished.
Low levels of discrimination in recruitment and perceived overall discrimination in the teaching profession may also be attributable to the gains made by women as whole in their struggle for gender equality. That is, it could be an indication that through the efforts of organizations and groups such as Emanga Basadi and WLSA, women have made considerable gains toward becoming equal partners with men in development in general and in the labour market in particular. The existence of clear terms of service that stress qualification as the basis for recruitment and tenure/experience as the major determinant of mobility could also be partly responsible for the lack of significant gender differences in perceived discrimination in recruitment and in general discrimination.
The study results present weak support for the hypothesized gender-based discrimination in workplace rewards and adduce very weak support for inequalities in social support conditions. These results could also be a reflection of the over-representation of women in the teaching profession, which affects justice evaluation and thus feelings of discrimination or the gains made by women as a group, in their quest for similar treatment in the labour market. Certain specific findings need treatment here. First, the gender differences in income may not necessarily indicate that gender discrimination in pay actually exists in the teaching profession. It may be that female primary school teachers dominated the study sample compared to other levels in the profession and these teachers get the lowest in the profession's pay hierarchy. Controlling for employee characteristics such as level in the profession (whether primary, secondary or college of education teacher/tutor), age, tenure and professional qualifications is likely to eliminate the gender gap in income.
The results also showed that, contrary to expectations, women perceived substantially higher chances for participation in decision-making relative to men. This suggests the existence of what amounts to reverse discrimination in the teaching profession with male teachers considering themselves to be at a disadvantage relative to their female counterparts. This finding could be interpreted to indicate either or both of two things. First, as the teaching profession is predominated by women, it obviously entails high levels of participation in decision-making by women. Secondly, males are reeling from the over-representation of women in the profession and this causes them to experience heightened deprivation with respect to decision-making.
Finally, the study found very strong support for the hypothesis of differences in workplace stresses. Two specific issues warrant comment here. First, it was found that women perceive greater work overload compared to men. This could be a manifestation of their (women's) dominance in primary school teaching whereby a teacher is not only responsible for all subjects offered but also has to contend with larger class sizes. In addition, those who teach in primary schools are likely to be more involved in the learning process considering that this level of education represents the formative stage of learning. On the contrary, the number of female teachers tends to decline as we move from primary school to junior secondary school, senior secondary school and colleges. Yet, it is in the upper categories of educational institutions that teaching becomes more specialized, class sizes decline and students/learners assume greater responsibility over their learning. Alternatively, the substantially higher work overloads perceived by female teachers could be explained in terms of the interface between formal employment and domestic responsibilities for women. Women teachers may not necessarily take more classes than men teachers do. However, they withstand the worst of domestic chores and this may make them more prone to perceptions of work overload.
Secondly, the mean scores for both males and females in role ambiguity, role conflict and sexual harassment were moderate. The first two outcomes could be understood in terms of the nature of teaching as a task. To say the least, teaching is a profession in which the task expected of the employee is more often than not very clear. In addition, because of the individualized nature of the task itself, the level of conflicting job requests received from supervisors and co-workers is likely to be minimal. The moderate levels of sexual harassment observed for both males and females could be due to general cultural traditions and patriarchy, which continue to validate practices that constitute sexual harassment. As such, making what are otherwise demeaning (and often uninvited) sexual remarks and gestures may in certain situations be considered as compliments.
6.2.2 Gender Differences in Affective Orientations
The results of the study showed that although women, relative to men, are more discontented with their jobs (are substantially lower in job satisfaction) they are substantially higher in organizational commitment and intent to remain in the teaching profession. The lower job satisfaction among women can be understood in light of the observed differential treatment, though moderate, of men and women in the workplace. Logically, such differential treatment coupled with the lower levels of job satisfaction should lead to substantially reduced levels of professional commitment, organizational commitment and intent to stay in the teaching profession for women relative to men but they did not. Although male and female teachers were statistically equal in professional commitment, the female mean score in professional commitment was slightly higher than that for males by .10 points. In addition, women reported significantly higher levels of organizational commitment and intent to stay compared to men.
It is possible that female teachers, though lower in job satisfaction, did not differ significantly in professional commitment and recorded significantly higher levels of organizational commitment and intent to stay relative to men because of the limited nature of the broader labour market within which they operated. That is, the lack of alternative employment opportunities for women makes them not to be any less committed to teaching as a profession and even to be higher in their commitment to the employer and in their plans to remain teachers. This is evident from the overall over-representation of women in the teaching profession itself. Also, an examination of mean differences of perceived external opportunities showed that, although both men and women reported moderate alternative employment opportunities that are open to them, the mean score for women (8.73) was substantially lower than that reported by men (9.56) (p< .000, two-tailed test).
6.2.3 Gender Differences in the Valuation of Workplace Conditions
The different categories of rewards and workplace conditions were considered quite important by both male and female teachers in Botswana. The findings that women did not experience or perceive substantial levels of discrimination, therefore, cannot be said to indicate that women did not value the rewards and workplace conditions greatly.
6.3 Conclusion
Overall, the results of the study revealed some but not strong support for the view that women in the teaching profession in Botswana experience greater disadvantages relative to men with respect to hiring practices and within the workplace environment itself. Out of 19 workplace rewards and work conditions analysed, only seven had means that were significantly different for males and females and in the expected direction; group means in participation in decision-making were substantially different but not in the hypothesized direction. Though the level of perceived gender-based discrimination is moderate in the teaching profession, female teachers are not guaranteed equal treatment with male teachers. In addition, moderate perceived discrimination obtained by the study may not necessarily suggest the total absence of de facto gender discrimination in the teaching profession. Rather, it may suggest a lack of awareness of its presence or that it is not interpreted as discrimination by some of the female teaching professionals. Alternatively, it may be concluded that female teachers do not construe discrimination in terms of the dimensions emphasized in the study.
To obtain a much clearer picture of the status of women in the teaching profession, further research is necessary to study other factors that may cause variations in perceptions about differential treatment among male and female teachers. In particular, there is need for research that controls the effects of socio-economic and demographic characteristics of those studied to facilitate a comparison of unadjusted and adjusted group means. This will produce and compare the true means for males and females in both workplace conditions and affective orientations toward work. Further analysis should also be carried out in which separate (independent) gender comparisons are made for the primary school, secondary school and college sub-samples. This is necessary because the proportion of male teachers tends to rise as one moves from primary to secondary schools and above. As such, female teachers in secondary schools and colleges are more likely to utilize males for comparable others while those in primary schools are forced to rely mainly on other females in the process of justice evaluations. It is possible that outcomes based on the former comparisons are going to differ from those based on the latter comparisons. That is, women who compare themselves to men are likely to experience greater feelings of injustice/discrimination relative to those who use other females as their comparable others.
