GENDER, DEMOCRATIC PRACTICE AND MEMBER CONTROL IN AGRICULTURAL PRIMARY CO-OPERATIVE SOCIETIES IN UGANDA
Abstract: This study sought to assess the interaction of gender, the socio-institutional environment and structural phenomena in influencing the extent of democratic practice, member control, patronage and receipt of benefits amongst the agricultural primary co-operative societies in Uganda. The goal was to highlight implications for creating a self-reliant sustainable development of primary co-operative societies from a socio-institutional and structural perspective. Findings of the study are drawn from 150 male and 150 female co-operators, 24 executive committee members and from secondary sources using both quantitative and qualitative methods of data collection and analysis. The findings revealed that democratic practice, member control, and patronage were high amongst the primary societies. However, leadership positions (an aspect of democratic practice) and participation in decision making (an aspect of member control) were monopolized by members of higher social status in communities and primary societies, i.e., the elderly, wealthy, and male founder members. Implicitly, the management of primary societies was confined in the hands of a few members, which is contrary to the co-operative principles of collective participation of all members in the running of the affairs of their respective societies. This anomaly poses obstacles to creating a self-reliant sustainable development of primary societies that are responsible to the needs and aspiration of all members: for the younger members, women, poor farmers, and new entrants, whose concerns are not synonymous with those of the "elite" leadership and decision-making groups. Hence, they may not be incorporated in the societies' plans, programmes and activities. This is likely to affect members' feelings of ownership and responsibility to their respective societies, which could impact negatively on continuity, and sustainability of the primary societies.
Although the majority of members reported that their earnings had improved and that they received prompt payment for deliveries made, female members made fewer deliveries compared to males, due to the socio-institutional environment that limited their level of business transactions in their respective societies. It is, therefore, imperative that the structural phenomena that put leadership and decision-making into a monopoly of a few members and the socio-institutional factors that negatively impacted on women's level of business transactions be addressed through awakening members' consciousness to those phenomena and factors. It is equally important that members use the power of their general assemblies as the highest decision-making authorities in primary societies to pass by-laws that break up of the monopoly of leadership positions by a few "elite" members and enhance the access of all members to the societies' economic benefits and opportunities, especially loans.
Primary co-operative societies are grassroots organizations of individuals and groups with similar social and economic interests who voluntarily bring together resources such as land, machines and labor with the aim of solving their social and economic problems using collective effort. Agricultural primary co-operative societies help farmers to sell their produce at reasonable prices. Historically, men who own the means of production, particularly land have dominated membership of agricultural co-operative primary societies in Uganda. Agricultural co-operative societies brought together farmers to ease production (acquisition of inputs, processing, storage), and marketing of their produce. Access to productive resources, especially land is a prerequisite for agricultural production. Males who owned land became the targeted members of the societies. Women producers (with or without property, especially land) who contributed enormous labor for agricultural production were largely ignored. By 1989, women constituted only 25% of the entire co-operative movement membership, and the majority were not active members (Muzaale 1989).
Membership of co-operative primary societies was further rendered less attractive by: the plummeting product prices experienced in the 1970s and 1980s; government control of the co-operative movement in general, and primary co-operative societies in particular, through setting low producer prices of the traditional export crops (coffee, tobacco and cotton); and the bureaucratic mismanagement of co-operative activities through embezzlement and nepotism by co-operative unions (Makonnen 1990; Katorobo 1993; Mamdani 1993). By 1990, most primary societies were dormant.
The 1989 liberalization of agricultural pricing and marketing by the National Resistance Movement (NRM) government has since restored the attractiveness of membership to co-operative societies. Liberalization entailed government relinquishing of its control over the co-operative societies which were freed to operate as competitive business enterprises undertaking their own pricing and marketing in a liberalized economic environment. Besides marketing, farmers' produce, co-operative societies also procure agricultural inputs such as chemicals, equipment and seedlings; and. educate farmers on modern farming and management techniques. They also mobilize loans and farm produce and transport for their members (Kabuga and Batarinyebwa 1995; Obong 1996; Manyire 1996).
In a bid to enhance the socio-economic viability of co-operatives, the Uganda Co-operative Alliance (UCA), the apex of the co-operative movement in Uganda, has been sensitising co-operative societies on the proper management of their affairs, especially with respect to financial and administrative management. Further, women in development officers (WIDOs) in the UCA have also attempted to sensitise co-operative societies about "gender issues" in a bid to increase women's effective participation in the co-operative societies. The overall goal is to create a self-reliant, sustainable development of primary co-operative societies which operate as democratic, member-controlled organizations, and simultaneously viable and competitive business enterprises providing economic and other services to their members, men and women alike (UCA 1990).
While female membership in the primary societies has increased (Kakande 1995) and some societies have started operating as competitive business enterprises (Kitandwe 1995; Manyire 1996), self-reliant sustainable development of primary societies will largely derive from democratic practice within, and member control of the societies. That is, the exercising of member rights, not least of which is to share in the surplus, take part in the society's business and policy making by way of attendance of meetings, to use one's vote and to run for election to office. Besides these rights, members ought to carry out their responsibilities which include supporting the society in every way possible, either by unstilted and honest work, or patronage in producer or service co-operative societies, or by maximum purchasing in case of consumer societies (Russel 1988). In turn, ability to exercise member rights and perform member responsibilities could be influenced by several factors located within the primary societies, the local communities in which the societies are situated and amongst the societies' membership. These factors could include; the structural set-up within the primary societies, members' gender, and members' social status within their local community. These acting singularly or in various combinations may facilitate or hinder different members' ability to exercise their rights and responsibilities within their co-operative societies.
Although co-operative societies are ideally founded on, and guided by principles of democratic practice, member control and equality of all members, they often mirror existing power and ideological (including gender ideology) structures and prevailing authority systems, which may lead to manipulation, inequality in distribution of benefits and subsequently greater disillusion for the less powerful and socio-economically deprived members. Particularly applicable to this category are females, who are not only new entrants into the societies, but whose socio-economic behaviour and opportunities are also constrained by social conventions within the matrix of "male" dominated social relations and structure in the household and wider socio-economy. The gender construed norms and beliefs associated with female and male specific social and economic activities, responsibilities and capabilities are likely to be replicated in the co-operative societies mostly to the detriment of females practicing their democratic rights, and exerting their member control. This may affect the extent to which they may have access to benefits generated in their societies.
Nevertheless, primary co-operative societies if member cantered have the potential of acting as an engine for altering the social context of (including gender relations) peasant production and ultimately, the economic motivation of individual peasant households (Ellis 1993; Thorner et al. 1966). Because the "vertical co-operation" in the supply of farm inputs, delivery of improved technology, and marketing of farm output would increasingly bind farm households together with common goals and practices leading to higher output and increased intensity of production.
It was the purpose of this study, therefore, to assess the gender, social-institutional and structural factors that facilitated or hindered men's and women's effective exercising of their democratic rights and responsibilities in the primary agricultural societies in Uganda.
The principles of democratic practice, member control and equality of men and women, with respect to access to economic benefits and other services agreed upon by the co-operatives are not "natural" or given. They are highly dependent on the power structures in the primary society, the institutional environment in which the societies are located, member characteristic, gender and social status differences. All of these, acting singularly or in different combinations determine members capacity to exercise their democratic rights, perform member responsibilities, exert member control and have access to the benefits and other services generated by their societies. Rural farmers are not a homogeneous category but are stratified, sometimes visibly, but often in a subtle manner along gender and social status, which influence their entitlements in the rural socio-economy. Similarly, there are important variations amongst rural communities with respect to production patterns, gender division of labor, property (especially land) ownership and authority structures, whether in the household or the community, which may affect members' economic behaviour and opportunities differently. Further, different primary societies have different power structures depending on whether they were recently formed or have been in existence for decades, whether the majority of members are new entrants or old members, whether the executive members are the founder members, variations in member interests, whether females (and poor males) are recent or old members and the activities being promoted, all of the which may influence the extent to which select members or the entire membership actively participates in the societies' activities.
Hence, the level of democratic practice, member control and equality of both male and female members of different socio-economic status in the primary societies is more likely to be influenced by these structural and socio-institutional phenomena than by the increasing membership (of both females and males) and the improving economic viability of primary societies. Membership may increase but may not have control, while economic viability may improve but the benefits may not be equally shared. Yet, given the inability of the majority of rural farmers to individually marshal the required resources for production, transportation and marketing, co-operative societies are better placed to provide these resources and services collectively. Co-operative societies are also in a better position to sensitise their members on modern farming methods and management techniques so as to take advantage of price and market incentives ushered in by agricultural liberalization. In sum, co-operative societies can create a vigorous climate of social and economic change in the peasant economy in order to stimulate desired changes in the behavioural responses of peasant farmers.
It was in this regard that this study sought to investigate gender, primary society and community specific phenomena that influence the levels of democratic practice, member control and equality in primary co-operative societies, and ultimately, the prospects for self-reliant sustainable development of primary societies in Uganda. The following questions offered guidance in attempting to address the problem:
i.) How high was the level of democratic practice and member control in agricultural primary co-operative societies in Uganda?
ii.) To what extent did gender and social status determine individual members' capacity to exercise their democratic rights, perform their responsibilities and share the benefits?
iii.) What was the nature of the gendered social structure, processes and relations that gave rise to women's lack of resources in the first place, and further posed obstacles to their effective participation in primary societies?
iv.) How did gender interact with other socio-institutional and structural phenomena in shaping economic behaviour and opportunities in agricultural primary societies?
v.) What were the implications for creating a self-reliant sustainable development of primary co-operative societies for socio-institutional and structural perspectives?
i.) To identify the extent of democratic practice and member control in agricultural primary co-operative societies in Uganda.
ii.) To determine how gender and social status influenced the exercising of democratic practice and member control, and receipt of socio-economic benefits in agricultural primary societies.
iii.) To ascertain the interaction of gender and other socio-institutional and structural phenomena in shaping economic behaviour and opportunities in agricultural primary societies.
iv.) To highlight implications for creating a self-reliant sustainable development of primary co-operative societies taking into account the structural and institutional environments in which men and women operated.
A series of studies have been conducted on primary co-operative societies in Africa (Mayoux 1988; Muzaale 1989; Obong 1996; Brett 1970; Cossa 1988; Kabuga and Bitarinyebwa 1995). Most of these studies focused on gender inequalities in primary societies, particularly with respect to membership, management representation and access to benefits. Others concentrated on the power structure within the primary societies, while still some others examined the socio-institutional environments in which the primary societies were located and operated.
Muzaale 1989, Eshete 1988, Adagala 1988 and Manyire 1996, revealed that women constituted minority membership of primary societies due to gender discrimination in membership, male resistance and other female constraints such as lack of time, limited ownership of land, lack of capital and illiteracy. Domestic roles and the ideology of male dominance were argued to prevent women from engaging in rewarding participation and consequently confining them to mostly marginal roles. In support, Mayoux 1988 and Jallow 1988, noted that women's participation was particularly low in producer, marketing, housing and transport co-operatives, balanced with that of men in consumer co-operatives and outnumbered men in thrift and credit co-operatives which is a reflection that the gender division on labor for women participation appeared higher in "female skill" activities.
Building on the influence of the gender division of labor on women's participation in the co-operatives, Moepi 1988 and Cossa 1988, and Mulder 1988, reported that due to male migration to towns in Botswana and Southern Mozambique, women outnumbered men in the co-operatives. Women, which were largely responsible for agriculture, outnumbered men in these areas. Many were widows, or lived abandoned by their husbands who became migrant workers, or lived on their own because they had no children. At best, they had husbands who did not accept agricultural sector and had tilted the sexual division of labor, thereby enabling women to dominate in the primary societies.
Pacavira 1988, slightly deviated from the gender division of labor point of view and embraced the entire socio-institutional environment in which co-operatives were located in accounting for the over 90% women involvement in Peasant associations (equivalent of co-operatives societies) in Angola. Pacavira linked not only the overwhelming female dominance in the associations but also their active involvement with men in decision making at all levels of the associations to: agricultural work being largely females' work; absence of land shortage in Angola which, particularly in polygamous families was advantageous if women were to be fully involved in the associations; and absence of legal and cultural restrictions which could forbid wives from joining associations.
Further, the associations were based to some extent on traditional forms of co-operation that ensured the supply of consumer goods, means of production and sale of produce. In these associations, peasants retained individual or family ownership of their labor and other means of production while the state ensured technical, material and financial support to those peasants who joined. Besides, the organization of Angolan Women (OMA) was cognizant of the role, which women could play in the transformation of the relations of production in the rural areas and to the need to organize peasants associations and co-operatives. Hence, the strategies to improve the situation of women in the co-operatives were viewed not as specific to the co-operative situations only, but in the wider context of having implications for women's roles and problems in society as a whole.
With respect to power structures within the co-operative societies, Chambers (1993) noted that most co-operatives tended to be captured by local elites to the exclusion or exploitation of small farmers, poorer people and women. Brett (1970), Kyamulesire (1988) and Mamdani (1993) added that primary societies in Uganda completely lacked appreciation of a democratic culture, and the essence of every member's duty to take an active part in the affairs of the societies. For most societies owed their origins to some of the more wealthy and educated farmers or landowners who were actuated by a desire to progress economically and to share the obvious profits available from primary marketing. Kitandwe (1995) further added that each society had a group of such men as its core and a rather vague mass of ordinary members whose function was to provide stability and assist in providing capital for the society. Benefits obtained thereby tended to remain in the hands of promoters, which made membership to primary societies less appealing to the majority of ordinary members.
However, Kamara (1988) demonstrated that the tendency of monopolizing power by a few members in co-operative societies was not a strictly male preserve. Citing examples from Sierra Leone, Kamara noted that due to the deteriorating economic situation, even literate women holding high positions had become interested in organizing women's co-operatives but for different motives. Some female elite formed co-operatives with the actual motive of benefiting themselves but used the rhetoric of co-operation and self-help for self-reliance in order to gain government recognition and registration, and therefore, the privileges and facilities given to co-operatives under the Sierra Leone Co-operative Act. Favouritism or impartiality, unfair disbursement of loans, unfair distribution of marketable commodities (e.g., rice, palm oil sugar etc.), poor loan repayments by favoured members, and misuse of office by leaders and those whom they favoured were other (originating from power imbalances) problems that plagued women only co-operatives in Sierra Leone.
Nonetheless, Mayoux (1988), Kamara (1988) and Katusiime (1988) highlighted primary society's intrinsic drawbacks, which further rendered primary societies vulnerable. Mayoux noted that the very issue of co-operation itself and how benefits can be distributed equitably without causing resentment on the part of those who put in most effort, skills and resources is an extremely contentious one. Mayoux added that this problem is acute where there are pre-existing social and economic inequalities and tensions between members. The problem became more contentious particularly in producer co-operatives because of the expectations that members should be active in decision making as well as production. Very rarely is this input remunerated except for paid officers. Thus, co-operators have to weigh up the relative benefits of control over their working conditions and levels of income. Particularly for poor women, this was reported to be a very difficult decision to make in view of their very limited time and their desperate need for an income. Kamara (1988) added that female co-operative members in Sierra Leone at times asked for additional services which their primary societies could not afford which led to member withdrawal or becoming passive. Furthermore, the commitment of some members was inadequate. Not only did they fail to attend meetings or patronize their societies, but also made late loan repayments or even defaulted on loans, and made irregular savings. Katusiime (1988) further added that both mixed-and single-sex primary societies in Uganda were wrought with management problems. Strategic planning and basic control measures were not put into practice; hence the management was not cost-conscious, since it did not know what types of costs were involved in the running of the society. It is in this respect that Obong (1996) and Manyire (1996) summed up that most societies in Uganda did not operate in a business-like manner.
On the contrary, Brown (1988) and Vandi (1988) reported successful women co-operative societies in the Gambia and Sierra Leone, respectively. In the Gambia, the success of the Sukuta Communal Garden Scheme was attributed to the well-educated, respected and forceful female president who worked tirelessly to develop and promote the scheme. The president was supported by an enthusiastic committee drawn from every section of the village community and had widespread support. Besides, the women of Sukuta already had the skills in vegetable production, which was extended and broadened by the horticultural officer posted to the scheme. The scheme, therefore, fitted well with women's traditional responsibilities to grow food and undertake household and domestic duties. The women's co-operative group built on the long tradition in the Gambia of women working co-operatively in the fields, but also incorporated a contemporary trend to harness such groups as a vehicle for women's development. Similarly, Vandi (1988) reported that co-operatives were previously male-dominated and dogged with dishonesty, poor loan recovery and disregarded, the people's own approach to organization. In the late 1970s women begun entering the co-operative scene and it took a new dimension. Women worked harder, showed more perseverance and patience in doing small things and seeing them through and showed more magnanimity in dealing with other members. Male co-operative became no match for the mixed co-operatives. Because people at the grassroots were involved in the planning, implementation and decision making programmes, there was much more success.
It is probably in this context that Mbilinyi (1988), while accounting for why women in some regions of Tanzania were more enthusiastic than men in co-operative production programmes, said that women's (and men's) participation in communal production depends very much on the specific conditions in each village; such as the general locality, the crops grown, the nature of the co-operative leadership, the division of labor in farming and other activities and the political awareness and actions of different groups to protect their own interests.
The above reviewed literature offered useful insights into understanding the varying representation of women in the co-operative movements in Africa in particular, and in accounting for the success of some primary societies and failure of others. However, most of the reviewed literature is largely descriptive, concentrating more on presenting factors and less on underlying social processes, relations and structures that give rise to the presenting factors, which were examined singularly, yet their varying influence on women's and men's effective participation in the co-operative societies appear to be mutually re-enforcing. Further, fewer studies attempted to place the varying representation and degree of success or failure within the context of democratic practice and member control in these primary societies, and the latter's socio-institutional and structural determinants. As a point of departure, this study was based on the assumption that women's and men's effective participation in the primary societies is determined by the extent of democratic practice, member control, and access to the societies' benefits. Socio-institutional and structural environments, in which the members and societies were located, including their communities, in turn influenced these.
This study was conceptualised within the framework of the gender approach, which seeks to transcend the narrow assumptions of the Women in Development (WID) approach in accounting for the marginalisation of women in the development process. The WID approach regards women's lack of access to productive resources as the root cause of women's marginalisation while the Gender Approach regards gender relations i.e. those dimensions of social relations that create differences in the positioning of women and men in the social processes as the cause of women's marginalisation (Razavi and Miller 1995). The central concern within the gender approach is the social structures, institutions, processes and relations that give rise to women's (and men's) disadvantaged position in society. Thus, while the WID approach identifies lack of access to resources as key to their under-representation in the co-operative movement, the gender approach raises questions about the role of gender relations in restricting women's access in the first place (and in subverting policy interventions were they to direct resources to women).
Given the much reliance on social relations analysis in the Gender Approach, other forms of social differentiation are also taken into account in this approach. For the Gender Approach takes into account the similarities and differences amongst both women and men. Other forms of social differentiation include ethnicity, age, marital status, length of marriage, occupation, educational level attained, social networks, family's social position, ownership of resources e.g. land, and possession of social resources e.g. prestige in the community, all of which determine one's power, hence the ability to take advantage of opportunities and incentives. Considering that the Gender Approach points to factors embedded in society, institutions and within and amongst women and men in determining the extent of their participation in development, we expected that the scope would be considerable for examining the socio-institutional and structural context in which women and men are expected to exercise their democratic rights, perform their responsibilities, and exert member control within their agricultural primary societies. The contextualised conceptual model of the study is shown in figure 1.
A Socio-institutional analysis of the influence of social structures and social relations on socio-economic behaviour was of critical theoretical and practical significance to understanding variations between and amongst men and women with respect to exercising democratic rights, performing member responsibilities and exerting member control in agricultural primary co-operative societies. At the theoretical level, the analysis gave us an opportunity to examine closely the interaction and tension between social institutions, structures, gender relations and socio-economic performance. As an interesting departure from the WID approach, the analysis brought into focus elements of economic and social structure which located the impetus for change towards democratic practice, member control and equality of men and women alike within the primary co-operative societies as part of change for men and women in the wider context rather than in terms of women as a particular group requiring specific forms of assistance.
At the practical level, the findings bore great significance for creating a self-reliant sustainable development of primary co-operative societies. The significance became more critical considering that women constitute 52% of Uganda's population (Republic of Uganda 1992), provide the bulk of agricultural labor in farm households (UNICEF 1994) and female-headed households constitute 30% of Uganda's households (World Bank 1993). Hence, the question of women exerting control equally with males, exercising their member rights and performing member responsibilities within the primary societies was largely more rational and economic rather than equity-oriented. This has tremendous bearing on creation of self-reliant sustainable development of primary co-operative societies in Uganda.
Figure 1. Conceptual model of the interaction of gender, democratic practice and member control in agricultural primary co-operative societies
The study was designed to be comparative and cross-sectional involving male and female members of agricultural primary co-operative societies, and was conducted in western, central and eastern Uganda, respectively. Northern Uganda was left out because it is insecure due to rebel insurgency.
1.7.1 Selection of Respondents
Two primary societies were randomly selected from each of the district unions of Banyankole Kweterana, East Mengo and Bugisu Co-operative Unions located in western, central and eastern Uganda, respectively. These unions were selected because of their representativeness in agro-ecological, geographic location and crop production pattern of Uganda. Banyankole Kweterena is located in Western Uganda, non-montane and produces Robusta coffee. East Mengo is located in Central Uganda, non-montane and produces coffee and cotton. Bugisu is located in the far Eastern Uganda, montane and produces Arabica coffee. The selected primary societies were Kyabandara and Abateganda in Banyankore Kweterena; Kayunga and Luwero Kezimbira in East Mengo; and Busamaga and Shitulwa in Bugisu. From each selected primary society, 25 male and 25 female members were selected by the systematic sampling technique. All in all, 300 members were selected, half of who were males and half were females. At least three executive committee members of each selected primary society in addition to at least one female (where available) were also interviewed.
1.7.2 Data Collection
Data were collected by three principle methods: personal interviewing using a structured questionnaire for members of primary societies; in-depth interviews for members of the executive committees using an unstructured interview schedule; and re-visit qualitative interviews for 30 male and 30 female members of the primary societies. Respondents who were revisited for qualitative interviews were selected from those who had given more informative responses to open-ended questions during the quantitative data collection phase.
1.7.3 Type of Data Collected
Types of data that were collected included:
(a) the demographic and socio-economic characteristics of the respondents;
(b) structures of the primary co-operative societies;
(c) socio-cultural rules and norms governing ownership of means of production, production patterns and relations, and control and marketing of agricultural produce;
(d) perceived socio-economic activities, responsibilities and capabilities of men and women;
(e) participation in decision-making in primary societies including attendance of meetings, formulation of rules and regulations, election of executive committee members, and making business plans e.g. programmes for buying and selling produce;
(f) sharing of benefits including bonuses, loans and other benefits and services;
(g) participation in sharing roles e.g. in co-ordination of projects and ratio of men to women's business transactions in the societies; and,
(h) member control e.g. in demanding accountability, determining amounts of shares to be held by each member and the cost of the shares, influencing activities to be engaged in, and terms of acquisition of resources e.g. loans to the societies and to members, the repayment periods and interest rates etc.
1.7.4 Data Analysis
The qualitative data was entered into computer and analysed by the SPSS. PC. Initially, raw frequencies were generated. Where meaningful inferences were observed, this served as the basis for further bi-variate analyses. The tests of significance of the correlations between variables were the p-values, whereby p-values below 0.00500 gave us a 99% degree of statistical significance and p-values below 0.05000 construed an 85% degree of statistical significance. In a large number of cases, our unit of analysis was the district union because we realized that there were not many differences between primary societies in the same district union. Qualitative data were analysed along the themes of the emerging variables. Broad categories were later developed to differentiate and describe the ideas expressed by the respondents. These categories were further broken down to indicate the direction of democratic practice, number control and equality of the sexes in the primary co-operative societies.
