The exercise of the primary co-operative societies' guiding principles of democratic practice, member control and equality of all members is often influenced by several factors located within the primary societies, the local communities in which the societies are situated and amongst the societies membership. These factors include the structural set-up within the primary societies, the institutional environment in which the societies are located and, members'gender and social status within their local communities. Acting singularly or in various combinations, these factors influence different members abilities to exercise their rights and responsibilities within their primary societies. Nonetheless, this study found the level of democratic practice in primary societies very high, for 89.7% of the members reported that they participated in electing executive committee officials. Attendance of general meetings was also high with 91.2% of the members saying that they regularly attended. However, only 22.3% had ever offered themselves for election onto executive committees and majority of these had offered themselves for election onto sub-committees. The influential positions of chairperson, treasurer and secretary seemed to have, by unspoken agreement, been left to members of higher social status in the communities and in primary societies. This group comprised of the elderly, wealthy, male-founder members of the societies, who simultaneously owned large tracts of land and made more deliveries to their primary societies. Interestingly, members of primary societies were content with the status quo arguing that the elderly, wealthy, male-founder members had more at stake in the affairs of primary societies, hence were most eligible for election onto executive committees. It was in this respect that (1993) noted that power structures within the co-operative societies tended to be captured by local elites to the exclusion of small farmers, poorer people and women. However, unlike Brett (1970), Kyamulesire (1988) and Mandani (1993) who reported that primary societies in Uganda completely lacked a democratic culture and the essence of every member's duty to take an active part in the affairs of the societies, this study revealed that it was only the leadership positions on executive committees that were monopolized by the elite. Members participated highly in other aspects of democratic practice.
Member control in primary societies was also high with 74.8% of the members saying that they participated in the formulation of rules and regulations governing their respective societies. Similarly, 82.7% said that they participated in making decisions in their respective societies. However, whereas there were no statistically significant differences between males and females with respect to participation in the formulation of rules and regulations, there were significant gender differences with regard to participation in decision-making. Female participation in decision-making was lower than males. Further, the elderly significantly participated more in decision-making than the younger members pointing to the interaction between gender, age and social status in influencing the decision-making component of member control. Borrowing from Pacavira (1988), it appeared like the socio-institutional environment in Ugandan rural communities in which the primary societies are located was not conducive to females and younger male participation in decision-making. Age is revered, hence the elderly males were more confident and were more heard while discussing issues to which decisions had to be made.
With regard to patronage, males made significantly more deliveries to primary societies, while primary societies in Bugisu Co-operative union made significantly more deliveries than the societies in East Mengo and Banyankore Kweterana Co-operative Unions. Once again, socio-institutional factors accounted for the gender and co-operative union differences. Females owned and controlled fewer coffee fields than males. Females were further denied bigger amount loans that could be used to purchase coffee from farmers and later sell it to their primary societies at profit. For trading in coffee was regarded as a male business. Further, females were said to have less time to move around villages purchasing coffee due to their inordinate domestic workloads. As for the variations in primary societies in the different co-operative unions, societies in Bugisu made significantly higher deliveries because of the long history of coffee cultivation, marketing through primary societies and the higher return farmers received from co-operating in primary societies. Thus, the socio-institutional environments accounted for females and primary societies in East Mengo and Banyankore Kweterana Co-operative Unions' lower deliveries. Nonetheless, 90.9 % of the members said they always patronized their respective societies, which showed that members were keen on performing their responsibilities and obligations. In agricultural primary societies, non-stinted and honest patronage is a key responsibility and obligation of the members (Russel 1988).
Primary societies raised operating capital from selling shares to their respective members. In turn, the number of shares held by individual members signified the members' economic investment in their respective societies. For bonuses which are profits accrued from trading using the societies' share capital are distributed amongst members who have attained a stipulated minimum number of shares and the amount of bonus received by individual members is proportionately correlated with the number of shares held. Females who had increased their number of shares were only 18.0% compared to 65.0% of their male counterparts, implying that female economic investment in primary societies was much lower than males. Half of the females had not mobilized sufficient savings that could enable them to purchase more shares. Only 5.6% of the males had similarly not mobilized sufficient savings. Kamara (1988) had also noted that female co-operators in Sierra Leone made irregular savings. In the case of this study and partly in Kamara's study women's inability to mobilize sufficient savings was closely associated with the low level of business transactions they conducted in their societies due to the low level of deliveries that they (women) made compared to men. For low business transactions resulted into low profits from which only insufficient savings could be made. Yet, it was from the savings that money to pay-up for the shares could be deducted.
Interestingly, the married respondents reported that they had not yet mobilized sufficient savings to enable them to purchase more shares and least reported that they lacked interest in increasing their number of shares. This appears to imply that married respondents spent most of the returns from their co-operative transactions on domestic demands thus not enabling them to accumulate sufficient savings, though they simultaneously were most eager to invest in their respective co-operative societies. For the returns from their participation in co-operative marketing helped them much in addressing their socio-economic needs. Members in primary societies in Bugisu had increased the number of shares held in their primary societies, while members in Banyankore Kwereterana had not increased the number of shares. This was due to the conducive socio-institutional environment in Bugisu, which enabled the co-operators to make significantly more annual deliveries, thus, generating more profits and subsequently, mobilizes sufficient savings from which more shares were purchased.
Overall, the socio-institutional and structural impediments to democratic practice, member control and sharing of benefits notwithstanding, the primary societies exhibited what Ellis (1993) and Thorner et al. (1996) alluded to potential of acting as engines for altering the social context of (including gender relations in) peasant production and ultimately, the economic motivation of individual peasant households. This was particularly true in primary societies in Bugisu Co-operative Union in which both males and females were receiving loans, had more members who had increased their number of shares and had received bonuses. The primary societies in East Mengo and Banyankore Kweterana could, therefore, borrow from their counterparts in Bugisu in addressing the structural and socio-institutional impediments that obstructed the sharing of benefits in their respective primary societies.
At a more general level applicable to all the societies, the structural and socio-institutional factors that influenced trends not conductive to democratic practice and member control (especially in as far as the monopoly of the key leadership positions and the decision-making machinery, respectively, by the elderly, wealthy, male-founder members are concerned) could similarly be addressed through passing of by-laws that seek to control the subtle power of these groups and redistribute the power amongst all members. Gender consciousness awakening seminars could also be important in enabling the co-operators differentiate between nature and nurture, thereby putting into practices their beliefs that females are as capable as males in under-taking economic activities. Whereas this belief is held, in their sub-consciousnesses, a significant proportion, especially of male co-operators related the sexes' physiological differences to "differences" in the sexes behaviour, capabilities and responsibilities which tended to relegate women to the fringes of the business transactions in primary societies. It was partly for this reason that women were denied bigger amounts of loans, yet they were simultaneously considered lesser credit risks. Paradoxically, denying women bigger amount loans in part contributed to the lower deliveries they made to primary societies which in turn led to lower profits, higher inability to mobilize sufficient savings and ultimately increase the number of shares held in their respective societies and by proxy, invest more in the societies, thereby have higher stake there-in too.
Ugandan agricultural primary co-operative societies exhibited high levels of democratic practice and member control, especially with regard to attendance of general meetings and participation in electing officials into executive committees, and, a participation in the formulation of rules and regulations governing the societies, respectively. However, offering oneself for election into key Members of higher social status, especially the elderly, wealthy, male-founder members, monopolized offering oneself for election in key leadership positions and participation in decision-making. It is this group that guided the operations of primary societies largely to the exclusion of females, younger males and poorer farmers. This arose out of the structural and socio-institutional environment that reveres age and social status, thus bestowing critical constituents of democratic practice and member control into the hands of a few members. Although no tensions were evident and majority members appeared to be at ease with the status quo, monopoly of the key leadership positions and the decision-making machinery in primary societies poses problems for creating of self-reliant and sustainable development of primary societies that are responsive to the needs and aspirations of all members. . Ordinary members may not develop sufficient feeling of ownership, and belonging to their respective societies. Similarly, continuity is obstructed since the younger members are not prepared for leadership and decision-making roles.
Further, the "male superiority-female inferiority" social structure was responsible for females receiving lesser shares of benefits like loans, which affected the level of their business transactions. Therefore, creation of self-reliant sustainable development of primary co-operative societies which operate as democratic, member controlled organizations, and simultaneously viable and competitive business enterprises providing economic and other services and opportunities to men and women, young and old, new and old entrants alike, requires two approaches. First is consolidating the present positive trends of democratic practice and member control. Second, addressing the structural and socio-institutional drawbacks to total and effective democratic practice, member control and sharing of benefits by all members. It is in this respect that the following recommendations are made.
xvi.) Seminars should be arranged for members and executive committees to sensitise them of the differences between nature and nurture with respect to the biological and socio-economic roles of male and females. During the seminars, the participants' consciousness should be awakened to how their present perceptions of male and female biological and socio-economic roles place women in an inferior status, which affects their participation in primary societies, especially with respect to sharing of benefits.
xvii.) Members' and executive committees' consciousness to the structural and socio-institutional influences on democratic practice (leadership positions) and member control (decision-making machinery) should also be awakened through seminars. The dangers posed to sustainability and continuity of primary societies should be pointed out as well.
xviii.) A by-law could be adopted by the primary societies' general assembly that restricts holding leadership positions to not more than two terms of three years each. This will break up the monopoly of leadership positions held by the wealthy, elderly, male-founder groups and pave the way for younger, less wealthy, new entrant members to be elected onto leadership positions.
xix.) A by-law could also be adopted by the primary society's general assembly that restricts members from obtaining loans more than once before all the other members who wish to obtain loans have done so. This way, women and poorer males could have a better chance of accessing loans, especially the bigger amount ones, that are key to trading in coffee.
xx.) Affirmative action, especially for females and poor males should be instituted to facilitate more equitable-sharing of benefits and leadership roles.
xxi.) Mobilization of savings should be encouraged to enable members to purchase more shares, which will raise the societies' share capital and ultimately more members receipt of bonuses and economic investment in their respective societies. The latter will enhance ownership feelings and members' commitment of to their respective societies.
