2. FINDINGS OF THE STUDY

2.1 Introduction

UCA (1990) describes the overall goal of its co-operative development programme as creation of a self reliant, sustainable development of primary co-operative societies that operate as democratic, member-controlled organizations which are simultaneously viable and competitive business enterprises providing economic and other services to their members, men and women alike. Entailed in democratic practice and member control is "members" exercising of their rights, not least of which is to share in the surplus, take part in the societies' business and policy-making by way of attendance of meetings and, using ones vote and offering oneself for election to office. To this end, the UCA, which is the apex of the co-operative movement in Uganda, has initiated several actions aimed at facilitating the achievement of its co-operative development programme. Key amongst these actions is instilling into primary co-operative societies the prerequisite of having at least one female member on the society's committee. This was aimed at enhancing democratic practice through increasing women's political and administrative participation in primary co-operative societies. For due to women's subordinate status in society, women were being denied leadership roles in the primary societies. Secondly, male dominance in primary co-operative societies had, prior to UCA initiatives, negated the benefits that accrued to women through their membership of primary societies. Hence, UCA encouraged the initiation of women specific projects in primary societies and joint co-ordination (equal number of males and females) of every project in each primary co-operative society. Furthermore, the rules and regulations that governed primary societies had been discriminatory against women because women wee not construed as household-heads or landowners. As a result, membership was open to mostly males. UCA, therefore, undertook to restructure the rules and regulations to become gender neutral, in order to allow women to join in their own right. And in order to enable women participate more actively in the activities of primary societies besides merely swelling the societies' memberships, UCA encouraged the inclusion of gender in the societies' plans. Both males and females alike aimed these initiatives and actions at both strengthening democratic practice and member control within the societies, including sharing of benefits. However, instituting and encouraging these initiatives and actions is not necessarily synonymous with their practice. It was in this regard that this study sought to identify the extent of democratic practice and member control in Uganda's primary co-operative societies.

2.1 Levels of Democratic Practice and Member Control

2.1.1 Democratic Practice

Democratic Practice in primary co-operative societies manifested largely in the form of using one's vote in electing committee members and offering oneself for election to committee office. Overall, 89.7% of the members of primary societies reported that they participated in electing members of their respective societies' committees. However, only 22.3% had ever offered themselves for election to committees. Even then, the majority of those who had ever offered themselves for election contested for positions on sub-committee which dealt with education, social welfare, dispute settling and managing specific projects within societies such as bakeries, selling borehole water and drugs and agricultural produce shops. The key positions on committees, that is, chairperson, secretary and treasurer were reported to be largely contested by influential members who mostly comprised of the founder members, the elderly and the wealthy who owned large tracts of land, made comparably more deliveries, and more paid-up shares and subsequently, were most active in the operations of their respective primary co-operative societies. These findings concur with those of 9(1983), Kyamulesire (1988), Kitandwe (1988) and Mandani (1993) all of whom reported that power in primary societies tended to be captured by the local elite. In Uganda's case, Brett (1970) Mandani (1993), Kyamulesire (1988) and Kitandwe (1988) argued that most societies owed their origins to some of the more wealthy and educated farmers or landowners who were actuated by a desire to progress economically and to share the obvious profits available from primary co-operative marketing.

Nonetheless, attendance of general meetings was high, reported by 91.2% of the members. Implicitly, democratic practice as evidenced from attendance of general meetings and participation in electing members of committees was high although offering oneself for election onto the crucial positions on committees was low. For the general meeting, consisting of all members is the highest authority of a co-operative society. And any decision taken by the general meeting has to be reached at democratically through the one man-one vote method (Kabuga and Batarinyebwa 1995). That 91.2% of the members attended general meetings regularly was very important because when decisions are reached at during general meetings, they become binding to all members including those who did no attend the meeting or vote in favour of the decisions.

Further aspects of gender focused democratic practice in primary societies were elicited from 6 Treasurers, 5 Committee Members, 4 Chairpersons, and 9 Secretary Managers. Each of the aforementioned members of the executive committees availed data pertaining to their respective societies. As an indicator of gender focused democratic practice, all the primary societies that were investigated had at least one female member on the executive committee. Four societies had one female member each, while two societies had 3 female members. Thus, all the societies selected to participate in the study had fulfilled the requirement set by UCA of having at least one female member on the committee while 33.3% had more than the minimum stipulated number i.e. more than one female on the committee. The societies' rules and regulations were all reportedly gender-neutral, though in most societies, women were yet to be given loans to purchase coffee-the major economic activity in all societies. Implicitly, the rules governing availing loans for coffee purchasing were biased in favour of men. What were constructed to be gender neutrality were: allowing females to become members in primary societies; including at least one female on the executive committees; and, a precondition that to qualify as a member, one had to be both a farmer and not less than 18 years old. Male reluctance to avail women loans to purchase coffee-which is the major business activity in all the societies, attests to males' reluctance to share their power base (loans) with women, for males agreed that women were a lesser credit risk compared to males; when given smaller loans for other purposes e.g. payment of school fees which were in smaller amounts compared to coffee purchasing loans, women were said to pay back more promptly than men. The latter's property was at times attached to force them to pay back.

Only 2 out of the 6 societies had women specific projects. These were: a yeast producing project in Shitulwa primary society situated in Bugisu Co-operative Union; and, brick-making and potato cultivating projects in Kayunga primary society which is under the jurisdiction of East Mengo Co-operative Union. Interestingly, all the primary societies were cognizant of the requirement to initiate women-specific projects stipulated by UCA and some even deceived that they had initiated them, for instance the Abateganda primary society located in Banyankole Kweterana Co-operative Union. The reasons forwarded for non-initiation of women-specific projects included lack of funds, lack of markets for the projects' products (which led to the collapse of some projects that had earlier been initiated for instance in Kyabandara primary society located in Banyankore Kweterana Co-operative Union), internal squabbles among the women members, especially between the young and the old, whereby the old did not participate, and "disorganization" amongst the women members, implying that women members lacked organizational skills and ability to manage their gender-specific projects.

Joint co-ordination of projects (i.e., each project having at least one female and one male co-operation) was reported in 3 of 6 primary societies that were studied. Various reasons for the absence of joint co-ordination of projects were given. Luwero Kezimbira primary society located in East Mengo Co-operative Union intimated that her water project (selling bore-hole water) was co-coordinated by males only because the project was initiated before UCA set the requirements of joint co-ordination of projects. Following affiliation to the UCA, they could not bring themselves to dissolving the old committee and electing a new one onto which a female could jointly co-ordinate. In Busamaga, located in Bugisu Co-operative Union, the yeast project was not jointly co-project. It was added that there was also fear of men taking over the entire project. Only males coordinated the timber project in Shitulwa also located in Bugisu Co-operative Union because trading in timber was regarded as a "male" business. Some societies reported that forming sub-committees was a new phenomenon, which they were yet to try out, while the other societies reported that executive committee members manned projects only, majority of women were male.

2.1.2 Member Control

Aspects of member control in primary co-operative societies were elicited from both the committees and the general memberships. Amongst the committees, 90.0% reported that their members participated in formulation of their respective societies' rules and regulations. Of those who said that their members never participated in the formulation of rules and regulations, 6.7% were of the view that the co-operative movement formulated the rules and regulations, while 3.3% reported that the committees themselves formulated the rules and regulations.

Alternatively, participation in the formulation of rules and regulations governing primary co-operative societies was reported by 74.8% of the general membership. Amongst district unions, East Mengo (Kayunga and Luwero Kezimbira primary societies) were most active in participation (91.7%), followed by Bugisu (Busamaga and Shitulwa primary societies) of whom 70.5% said they participated, and the least was in Banyankore Kweterana (Kyabandara and Abateganda primary societies) where only 62.2% answered in affirmative when asked about participation (p = .00491). Reasons given for non-participation were:

v.) that rules and regulations were formulated by committees and the co-operative movement said by 11.8%;

vi.) absenteeism during general meetings in which formulation took place said by 3.4%;

vii.) busy domestic and other schedules reported by 4.1%;

viii.) and, poor communication between committee officials and the general memberships, which resulted in failure to attend general meetings, said by 5.9%.

With regard to participation in decision-making 93.3% of the committee officials said that the general members participated. The specific decisions in which members were reported by committee officials to have participated in making include:

ix.) increasing the prices of shares, said by 13.3%;

x.) approving budgets and the procedures for issuing and recovering loans, reported by 36.7%;

xi.) setting the criteria for allowing new members to join the respective societies, reported by 6.7%;

xii.) while 40.0% of the committee officials said that members participated in formulating the general rules and regulations that governed them (members).

Conversely, 82.7% of the general memberships answered in affirmative when asked whether they participated in making decisions in their societies. Asked about the specific decisions they participated in, 29.1% said all the decisions concerning their respective societies; 21.7% reported the decision binding all members to patronize (sell all their agricultural produce, especially coffee) to their respective societies; 16.7% reported decisions relating to diversifying their respective societies' economic and social activities; 9.3% said they participated in deciding how to spend profits and other financial concerns; while 5.9% participated in reaching the terms and conditions for allowing new members to join their respective societies.

Only 3.3% of the executive committee members were indifferent to including gender in their societies' plans. The majority, 96.7% were supportive, pointing out that including gender in their societies' plans led not only to progress of their respective societies, but also enhanced the meeting of domestic needs. However, 6.7% were of the view that women were constrained by domestic and marital responsibilities while 3.3% argued that women lacked capital, with or without including gender in their societies' plans.

Only 13.3% of the executive committee members reported that they had not included gender in their societies' plans and the multiple reasons were that they were yet to accumulate sufficient funds reported by 13.3%, male reluctance to include gender said by 10.0%, while 3.3% reported that the women's projects had collapsed due to domestic overloads. Of those who had answered in affirmative with regard to whether they had included gender in their societies plans, half said the gender issues they had included in their plans were equal participation of women in the societies. A third said they had projects for both sexes, 26.7% reported having women as executive committee members, while 16.7% said that they had plans of initiating women's projects though they were yet to do so.

2.2 The Influence of Gender and Social Status

2.2.1 Members' Socio-Demographic and Economic Characteristics

Since gender is socially constructed, initial identification of members' socio-demographic and economic characteristics was crucial. Gender in combination with these characteristics varyingly shapes the following:

xiii.) one's entitlements in society;

xiv.) one's level of interaction with others in primary co-operative societies;

xv.) one's outlook towards society and its people.

and subsequently one's ability to exercise one's democratic rights and member control in agricultural primary co-operative societies. Table 1 overleaf, therefore, shows the socio-demographic and economic characteristics of the members.

Table 1 shows that female members were significantly much younger than their male counterparts. Whereas, over half of the male members were 50 years and above, only 18.6% of the females were over 50 years (p = .00001). Implicitly, old male members, majority of whom joined the societies when they were initiated in the late 1950s and early 1970s, dominate the primary societies. On the contrary, given that the majority of females were relatively younger (59.8 % were aged below 41), most were new entrants, following the UCA initiatives that were geared towards increasing the numbers of members of the co-operative movement in general and primary societies in particular. Table 1 further showed that married men were significantly more than their female counterparts (p = .00000). Whereas 96.3% of the males were married, females who were married constituted 62.9%. No male member was widowed, yet 13.4% and 10.3% females were separated/divorced and single, respectively.

With regard to length of marriage, males had been married for significantly much longer periods than females (p = .00009); 67% percent of the males had been married for more than 20 years compared to 32.8 % of the females. Alternately, 39.3 % of females had been married for 1 - 10 years compared to 16.5% of males. These findings coincide with our earlier remarks about age, for males were significantly much older than females. As for member of children, males had significantly more children than females; 26.2% of the males had more than 10 children compared to 2.2 % of the females, and 54.9% of the females had 1 - 5 children compared to 29.1% (p = .00000).

Table 1. Socio-demographic and economic characteristics of members,

by gender

Note: Total % for resources owned is more than 100 due to multiple responses.

Interestingly, there were no statistically significant differences in the level of education attained between males and females. (p = .42505). Probably, this was because of the near occupational homogeneity of the members of primary societies. Peasant farming accounted for 89.2% of the respondents while farmers-cum-formal sector workers e.g. agricultural assistants, teachers and nurses constituted only 5.9%. The rest doubled as farmers and informal sector workers e.g., as traders and students.

2.2.2 Gender, Social Status and Members' Democratic Practice in Primary Co-operative Societies

As earlier indicated, both males and females participated in overwhelmingly large proportions (89.7%) in electing committee members of their respective societies and both gender attended general meetings. However, only 22.3% of the members interviewed had ever offered themselves for election to committees. Even amongst this category, the gender differences were minimal, for males constituted 11.9% while females were 10.4%. Members of higher social status dominated the key positions of chairperson, secretary and treasurer. These are the elderly, the wealthy who owned large tracts of land, more paid shares and who simultaneously made or deliveries to their respective societies. Thus, social status played a major role in influencing members' capacity to offer themselves for election into committees.

Qualitative data obtained from committees further re-enforced these findings, when 83.3% of the committee officials interviewed reported that the wealthy were most keen to participate in the affairs of their respective societies because the returns to their participation were much higher than those of the less wealthy. For example, due to the former higher paid shares, they received larger bonuses. And because they made more deliveries, they also received higher profits, hence it were much in their interest if they contested for the key positions of their respective societies' committees for they would have personal interests in guiding the operations of their societies profitably. Interestingly, in-depth discussions with members of primary societies concurred with the committee member's assertions when they too reported that it was advantageous to primary societies to have wealthy men on committees. For wealthy men "would put in more time and effort in running the affairs of the societies since they had bigger stakes in the societies' growth that the less wealthy members". Hence, wealthy members were to be more committed to their respective primary societies, which made them the more eligible members to be elected onto the key positions onto committees.

2.2.3 Gender, Social Status and Members' Control in Primary Co-operative Societies

Of the 74.8% members who reported participating in the formulation of rules and regulations governing their respective societies, males constituted 40.6%, while females were 34.2%. The difference was statistically not significant. Similarly, there were no statistically significant differences amongst age groups, educational levels attained, marital status, length of marriage, number of children and assets owned with respect to participation in formulation of rules and regulations governing primary societies. However, of the 82.7% members who said that they participated in making decisions within their societies, males were 47.0%, while females constituted 35.7% (p = .00062), indicating that women who participated in decision-making were significantly fewer than men. Further, younger members participated less in making decisions compared to older members; 56.3 % of the members who reportedly participated in decision-making were aged 40 and above, compared to 26.4% of their counterparts, who were aged below 40 (p = .00000). Since old age is associated with wisdom higher social status is accorded to older persons in rural communities. It is, therefore, most probable that older members were more listened to than younger members when important issues were being discussed, thus accounting for the high proportion of older persons in decision-making.

Furthermore, given the higher social status associated with old age, elder members of primary co-operative societies could be more confident than their younger counterparts, thus enabling them to participate more actively in decision-making compared to the younger members. Considering that 78.5% of the male members were above 40 years compared to 40.2% of female members. It is then less surprising that females who participated in decision-making were significantly fewer than males. Gender interacted with age and subsequently social status in influencing participation in decision- making.

2.2.4 Gender, Social Status and Members' Patronage and Receipt of Benefits in Primary Societies

Members of primary co-operative societies are obligated to carry out their responsibilities which include supporting their respective societies in every way possible, either by non-stinted and honest work or patronage, especially in producer societies (Russel 1988). In turn, they have the right to enjoy all the benefits accruing from their membership in their respective societies. Patronage, which is also an indicator of participation, (active or inactive) was calculated based on the number of kilograms of coffee delivered to primary societies over the 6 months preceding the period this data collection was undertaken i.e. May and June 1998. Findings of the study revealed that the ratio of female to male business transactions (number of deliveries) ranged from 1:3 to 1:5 with the average being 1:6 denoting that women members were much less active in participating in their respective primary society business transactions by way of patronage. Several reasons were forwarded for females' lesser participation in their respective primary societies' business transaction. Foremost was that fewer women owned coffee fields in their own right. Coffee was regarded as a male crop; hence the control and ownership were mostly vested in males. It was largely the widows and the divorced/separated females who were reported to own and control coffee fields. Secondly, females were still denied substantial loans by their respective primary societies to purchase coffee from villages for sale to their primary Societies, yet males could obtain loans, which they used to purchase coffee, hence patronize their primary societies more often. Third, it was mentioned that purchasing coffee from farmers involved a lot of mobility. For farmer do not pick and dry coffee in large quantities. Hence one farmer may have a few kilograms at a particular time. Thus, purchasing about 200 kilograms involves moving beyond one's village or residence to several other villages, which few women could manage to do on a regular basis due to domestic chores relating to home maintenance, child-care and cultivating for home consumption.

Overall, 12.7% of the members of primary societies made one delivery to their respective societies in a year, 44.7% delivered twice a year, 22.3% delivered thrice, while 20.3% delivered four or more times in a year. As already mentioned, males made significantly more deliveries to their respective primary societies than females as shown in table 2.

Table 2. Annual number of deliveries to primary societies,

by gender

Note: p = .01442.

Further, primary co-operative societies in Bugisu Co-operative Union made significantly more deliveries than the primary societies in the other district unions as indicated in table 3.

This was because unlike in Mukono and Luwero districts, which are covered by East Mengo, and Mbarara, Bushenyi, and Ntungamo districts covered by Banyankole Kweterana, in Mbale district covered by Bugisu Co-operative Union, almost every household cultivates coffee. Coffee was introduced in Mbale district in 1910, much earlier than in any other district in Uganda. Coffee production was embraced much more readily by the peasant farmers in the district than farmers in other districts. Further, Bugisu Co-operative Union was the only Union, which was authorized to export coffee during the 1960s, when the government-owned Coffee Marketing Board (CMB) was the sole purchaser and exporter in the rest of the country. Although the license to export coffee was cancelled in the late 1960s, coffee farmers in Bugisu had already reaped higher returns from their co-operative membership compared to the rest of the coffee farmers in Uganda. Bugisu Co-operative Union was offering better prices than the government-owned CMB. This further encouraged the cultivation of coffee in Mbale district.

Table 3. Annual number of deliveries to primary societies, by district unions

Note: p = .00000.

When coffee prices plummeted in the 1970s and 1980s due to government payment of low prices which led farmers to uproot their coffee fields and plant other crops instead, fewer farmers in Mbale district abandoned their coffee fields compared to other farmers in the rest of coffee producing areas in Uganda. The farmers in Mbale found memories of the returns from coffee they had received during the 1960s. Therefore, with the liberalization of crop marketing, which broke the monopoly of CMB in the early 1990s and enhanced the process of coffee, farmers in Mbale had more coffee to sell than farmers in other coffee producing regions. There were s significantly higher number of annual deliveries to primary societies in Bugisu compared to those in East Mengo and Banyankore Kweterana Co-operative Unions.

With regard to payment for the deliveries, 94.6% of the respondents said they were paid promptly, and 84.7% reported that their earnings had improved. However, of those whose earnings had improved, 47.5% were males, while 37.2% were females (p = .00499). The statistical significance in males higher reporting of improved earnings compared to females arose largely from males' higher number of deliveries made to the primary societies. For earnings were positively correlated with number of deliveries. Amongst primary societies, improved earnings were almost similarly reported; Banyankole Kweterena has 25% reporting improved earnings, while Bugisy had 23.5% and East Mengo had 20.0%. This was attributed to the liberalization of the co-operative movement, which enabled the primary societies to sell their products competitively to any buyer(s) who offered the highest prices. Before liberalization, the government, which was the sole buyer, offered low prices and was not paying promptly.

With respect to benefits obtained form their memberships, 87.3% of respondents reported that there were other benefits besides prompt payment and improved earnings that attracted them to maintain membership in their societies. The benefits included obtaining credit 43.1%, obtaining implements and or supplies reported by 19.0%, sharing of bonuses reported by 9.3%, receiving training in various fields reported by 7.8%, membership identity or group cohesion reported by 21.6%, and prompt payment, reported by 16.2%. There were no statistically significant gender differences with regard to type of benefits received from primary societies. However, the differences among primary societies were statistically significant. For example, primary societies in Bugisu accounted for 17.6% of the 19.6% who reported obtaining implements and/or supplies (p = .00000). Further, primary societies in Bugisy accounted for 6.3% of the 9.3% who reported receiving bonuses (p = .00006), while societies in East Meno accounted for over half of those who reported receiving prompt payment as a benefit that attracted them to maintain membership in the societies (p = .00002).

2.3 Gendered Social Structures, Processes and Relations in Agricultural Primary Co-operative Societies

Co-operative societies are ideally founded on, and guided by principles of democratic practice, member control and equality of all members. However, they often mirror existing power and ideological (including gender ideology) structures and prevailing authority systems, which lead to manipulation, inequality in distribution of benefits and subsequently greater disillusion for the less powerful and socio-economically disadvantaged members. Particularly applicable to this category are females who are not only relatively new entrants into the societies, but whose socio-economic behaviour and opportunities are also constrained by social conventions within the matrix of "male"-dominated social relations, social processes and structures in the household and wider socio-economy. The gender construed values, traditions, customs, habits, norms and beliefs associated with female and male specific social and economic roles, activities, responsibilities and capabilities are likely to be replicated in the co-operative societies more so to the detriment of females practicing their democratic rights, and exerting their member control. This tends to affect the extent to which they may have access to benefits generated in their societies. It was in this context, therefore, that the study attempted to identify the prevailing gender ideologies in primary societies. The ideologies were measured along the perceived biological, social and economic roles of males and females and the perceived capabilities of each gender.

2.3.1 Members' Perceived Biological and Socio-Economic Roles of Men

Only 19.1% of the respondents reported procreation as the biological role of men. Of these, 10.7% were male, while 8.4% were female. Further, of those who reported procreation as a biological role of men, 1.9% was from societies in Banyankore Kweterana, 6.8% belonged to Bugisu, and 0.9% was form societies in East Mengo. Alternatively, 53.4% of members perceived farming as a biological role of men, 34.8% linked men's biological roles to meeting family needs, while 25.0% associated men's biological roles with management of household. Paradoxically, the actual socio-economic roles of men were given lesser prominence. For instance, farming was reported as men's socio-economic role by only 21.5%, generating an income by 9.3%, management of household by 20.5% and rendering community services by 23.5%. However, responsibility for supporting family members i.e. wife and children ranked high, being reported by 54.9%. Perception of farming, family maintenance, management of household and meeting family needs as biological role of men by the male and female members of the primary co-operative societies attests to the engendered ness of the social structure within which the societies are located. The social-structure vests social power in the masculine gender to engage in economic activities like farming and income-generation and social roles like leadership as symbol of a socially successful male, husband and, or, father. The social-structure concretises the vesting of social power to engage in economic activities on to males by attributing it to biological determinism which, therefore, leaves no room for challenge, questioning and by proxy, change. Simultaneously 54.9% of the members reported responsibility for supporting family members i.e. wife and children. Men's social role highlights the dependent status of females on males within the socio-economic structure. For the masculine, social identity is re-enforced by the dependent status of females. This was replicated in primary co-operative societies whereby leadership was largely vested in males, albeit the wealthy and elderly ones.

Whereas there were no significant differences between male and female perception of the social role of men, there were significant differences amongst primary societies. Of those who reported that farming was a men's socio-economic role, 15.3% were from societies in Bugisu. Societies in East Mengo and Banyankole Kweterana had 2.9% each, reporting farming as a socio-economic role of men (p=.00000). Societies in Bugisu ranked highest (44%) amongst those who reported that generating an income was men's socio-economic role (p=.02960), and further ranked highest (9.3%) amongst those who reported management of household (p=.00180). However, societies in Banyankole Kweterena comprised 25.0% of those who were of the view that responsibility for supporting family members was a men's social role (p=.00000).

2.3.2 Members' Perceived Biological and Socio-economic Roles of Women

With regard to the known biological roles of women, reproduction was reported by 41.1%, of whom 18.1% were males and 23.0% were females. And of those who reported reproduction, 10.7% were from Banyankole Kweterena, 10.2% were from Bugisu, while East Mengo accounted for only 3.9%. Conversely, 27.4% of the members held that child-care was a biological role, 49.0% considered home maintenance as a women's biological role, farming was reported by 32.3%, while marital obligations were construed as women's biological roles by 8.3%. Interestingly, marital obligations as part of women's social roles were reported by only 3.9%, though home maintenance was reported by 57.4%. Chile-care was mentioned by 36.3%, farming by 19.1% and rendering community services by 21.1%. There were no significant differences between males' and females' perceptions of what constituted women's socio-economic roles. However, differences amongst primary societies were statistically significant. Of those who reported home maintenance as a women's social role, primary societies in East Mengo and Banyankole Kweterana scored highest with 18.1% each. However, primary societies in Bugisu most reported farming as a women's socio-economic role (13.7%), while the rest scored 1.9% each (p=.00000). Rendering community services as part of the social roles of women was reported by 4.9% in Bugisu, while the societies in the other unions had none reporting community services (p=.00000).

2.3.3 Members' Perceived Socio-Economic Capabilities of Men and Women

Considering the poor perception of men's and women's biological roles, it was not surprising to note that 79.8% of members believed that women behaved differently from men because they are biologically different. There were no significant differences between men and women members, and amongst primary societies with respect to the view. Reasons given for the view included women's physical inferiority reported by 30.9% of which 21.0% were male and 9.9% were females (p=.01577). Implicitly, women who perceived themselves as physically inferior to men were significantly fewer than the men who considered themselves physically superior to women. Similarly, much fewer women perceived their physical inferiority as the cause for their behaving differently from men, compared to their male counterparts.

Nonetheless, it was important to note the presence in primary societies of "male physical superiority" and "female physical inferiority" perceptions which are part of the wider social structure that regards males as superior and females as inferior in most aspects of life. Members, who linked women's specific roles to biological differences between men and women thereby accounting for differences in the behaviours of the sexes, were 26.5%. Of these, 9.8% were males, while 16.7% were females (p=.00817). Further, women's physical inferiority was reported by 8.3% and 5.8% by societies in Banyankole Kweterena and Bugisu, respectively. Women's physical inferiority was least linked to biological differences and subsequently behavioural differences between men and women in Bugisu i.e. 1.9% (p=.00000).

Evidently, there was a general failure to differentiate between biological and social roles of the sexes, and women's biological role of reproduction was more accurately reported than men's biological role of procreation, i.e., 41.1% compared to 19.1%, respectively. Probably, this is because women's reproductive role is more evident considering the nine months of pregnancy they undergo, most of which is visible even to the most casual observer. However, it was interesting to note that although both men and women largely failed to differentiate between biological and social roles and argued that women behaved differently from men because of biological differences, women's physical inferiority was less reported by females compared to men as a biological related constraint to behaviour. Instead, women attributed the differences in behaviour to gender specific female roles like child-care and home maintenance which though are social in nature, are linked to women's reproductive roles as mothers.

Asked whether women behaved differently from men because they have different social roles, 69.0% answered in affirmative. Of these, 30.8% were males, while females were 38.2% (p=.00381). There were no statistically significant differences amongst primary societies. However, when asked whether women were as capable as men in undertaking economic activities, 73.3% answered in affirmative and there were not statistically significant differences between male and female members' responses, and amongst primary societies. Further, 82.6% of the members accented that women were as capable as men in undertaking social activities and there were no statistically significant differences between male and female responses, and amongst primary societies.

2.3.4 Members' Attitudes toward Including Gender in the Plans and Programs of Primary Co-operative Societies

Attitudes toward including gender in the societies' plans and programs were positive, with 32.4% reporting that including gender in the societies' plans increased number in the societies' membership, 16.7% saying that it improved homes socio-economically and 43.1% saying that it helped improve women's economic status. Only 12.7% were against the idea of including gender in their societies' plans and programmes holding the opinion that it should not be encouraged. Given the high support for including gender in the societies' plans, it was not surprising that 94.1% reported that they had included gender issues in their societies' plans. The gender issues which had been included in the societies' plans were: encouraging women to offer themselves for election into executive committees, said by 13.7%; and, planned women's projects, reported by 21.6%. There were no statistically significant differences between men and women with regard to type of gender issues that had been included in the societies' plans.

2.3.5 Committees' Perceived Biological and Social Roles of Men and Women

Only 30.0% of the executive committee members of primary societies reported procreation as a biological role of males. Instead, social roles were much more construed as biological roles; 66.7% reported meeting parental and marital obligations as the biological role of men, 10.0% considered rendering community services as a biological role, ownership of a home was reported by 36.7%, while farming and/or cattle rearing were perceived as biological roles by 30.0%. Even trading in coffee was considered a male biological role by 20.0%. Interestingly, when asked about male social roles, the responses did not differ significantly from those relating to biological roles; meeting parental and marital obligations was reported by 73.3%, rendering community services was said by 46.7% farming was construed by 56.7%, engaging in trade was reported by 26.7%, and obtaining formal sector employment was said by 16.7%.

However, reproduction as a female biological role was perceived by more respondents, (43.3%, compared to 30.0% who reported procreation as a male biological role), although women's social roles were also reported as biological roles. For example, 53.3% thought home maintenance was a female biological role, child-care was reported by 36.7%, rendering community services was said by 16.7%, while marital obligations, were figured as women's biological roles by 23.3%. Farming was reported by 43.3% and picking coffee by 56.7%. Employment in the formal sector was considered as a female biological role by 36.7%. Asked about female social roles, the following scores were given: home maintenance 56.7%, child-care 50.0%, farming 56.7%, marital obligations 10.0%, encouraging gender consciousness 20.0%, providing community services 26.7%, employment in the formal sector 10.0%, and trading, 6.7%. Evident in the confusion shrouding the distinction between biological and social roles of men and women is the cultural representation of gender. Masculinity and femininity were understood as the outcome of cultural ideologies, rather than of inherent qualities or physiology. Thus, the social construction of male and female gender was more powerfully reinforced by the social roles and activities that both define and are defined by men and women, and less by their biological roles.

Subsequently, 76.7% of the executive committee members were of the view that women behaved differently from men because of biological differences between the two sexes. The reasons forwarded for the perception were that the males were culturally superior reported by 41.7%, women were biologically weaker said by 24.0%, and that women's domestic roles constrained them, reported by 11.0%. Implicit n the reasons forwarded above is that culture rather than biological differences shaped most of the perceptions regarding gender. Hence, the cultural representation of the sexes, the social construction of the gender identity - pre-determined the behaviour and capabilities of women, though this was couched in biological differences, which took on cultural interpretations.

Further, 66.7% reported that women behaved differently from men because they had different social roles. However, 90.0% thought that women were as capable as men in undertaking economic activities. Sixty percent of the primary society committees further contended that women were as capable as men in undertaking social activities. Amongst the social activities in which women were considered less capable than men, leadership reported by 20%, generating income for family maintenance said by 6.7%, engaging in construction/physically strenuous activities said by 10.0%, and engaging in commercial farming reported by 13.3%. Reasons as to why women were considered less capable than men in undertaking these social activities were that women were physically weaker reported by 16.7%, women were biologically handicapped (especially by pregnancies) said by 6.6%, women's lack of capital was reported by 6.7%, while 9.7% argued that women's socio-economic dependence on men had led to their (women's) lack of interest in those social activities. Once again, notions of male superior social power (actual or assumed) to engage in social activities resurfaced this time amongst members of the executive committees. It is interesting to not that of the 4.0% who had said that women were not as capable as men in undertaking social activities, only half mentioned an actual social role i.e. leadership. The rest equated economic activities to social roles indicating that women's participation in economic activities was sub-consciously downplayed, in part due to their perceived inferior economic power.

2.4 The Interaction of Gender and Other Socio-Institutional and Structural Phenomena

The interaction of gender and other socio-institutional and structural phenomena, especially age and wealth, in shaping economic behaviour and opportunities relating to number of deliveries made to primary societies, promote payment and improved earnings were earlier discussed in sub-section 2.3.4 sub-titled Gender, Social Status and Member patronage and Receipt of Benefits in Primary Societies. Below, we examine the interaction of gender and other socio-institutional phenomena in shaping other aspects of economic behaviour and opportunities in agricultural primary co-operative societies.

2.4.1 Influence on Increasing the Number of Shares Held by Members in Primary Societies

Asked whether the number of shares held in their respective societies had increased over the last 3 years, 65.0% of males and 18.0% of female members answered in affirmative (p=.00008). Reasons cited for not having increased the number of paid-up shares varied between males and females as shown in table 4.

Table 4. Reasons for members' not having increased their

number of shares, by gender

Note: p= .00428.

Evident in table 4 is that half of the female respondents had not mobilized sufficient savings to enable them to purchase more shares in their respective primary co-operative societies compared to only 5.6% of males. Similarly, 23.7% of the female members attributed their inability to increase their shares to low profits compared to 16.9% of their male counterparts. Interestingly only 8.3% of the female members expressed disinterest in increasing the number of their shares compared to 12.5% of males. Female members inability to mobilize sufficient savings and their (female members) reporting of low profits is largely attributable to the low level of deliveries made to their respective societies. For the fewer deliveries made compared to the males in turn determined the profits generated and subsequently, the ability to mobilize savings from the profits made. And it was from the savings that were "banked" with their primary societies that funds for purchasing more shares were deducted because mobilizing savings through the primary societies was the easiest and surest way of accumulating funds amongst these groups of peasant farmers.

There were further variations amongst members of different marital status with respect to reasons as to why they had not increased the number of their shares in the preceding one year. This is illustrated in table 5.

Table 5. Reasons for members not having increased the number of shares,

by marital status

Note: p= .03181.

Implicit in table 5 is that, whereas most of the married respondents reported having not yet mobilized sufficient savings, they simultaneously reported low profits and disinterest in increasing the number of shares held in their respective societies. Probably, the demands on profits made by domestic requirements such as school fees, health services and other spouses' and children's needs consumed a greater proportion of the profits to allow for accumulation of savings from which more share capital could be raised. However, only 6.6% of those married attributed lack of interest to their not having increased their shares compared to 26.3% of the single, 30.0% of the divorced/separated and 20.0% of the widowed shows that those who are married had a higher stake in their membership of primary societies than members of other social groups. Membership in the primary societies enables the married to meet more of their marital and reproductive demands regardless of whether they had increased their share capital. Further, evidence to this is the fact that it was the married members who least mentioned low profits as the reason for having not increased their share capital indicating that their membership was conceived most profitable compared to the single, divorced/separated and the widowed.

Furthermore, there were variations amongst district unions with respect to reasons as to why there was no increase in the number of members' shares. This is shown in table 6.

Table 6. Reasons for members' not having increased the number of shares, by district union

Reasons	District Union
	Bugisu (%)	East Mengo (%)	Banyankore Kweterana (%)
Had not yet mobilized sufficient savings	21.0	37.0	24.0
Low profits	5.0	13.0	42.0
Not interested	6.0	9.0	16.0
Not applicable	68.0	41.0	18.0
Total	100	100	100
Total (n)	100	100	100

Note: p= .00014.

Table 6 indicates that most members (68.0%) of the primary societies in Bugisu Co-operative Union had increased the number of their shares. This compares with 41.0% in East Mengo and only 18.0% in Banyankore Kweterana. This was attributed to the high turnover of co-operative society transactions in Bugisu. Table 3 had earlier shown that 82.0% of the members of primary societies in Bugisu made 3 or more deliveries annually to their respective societies compared to only 33.0% in East Mengo and 25.0% in Banyankore Kweterana.

Given the high business turnover, it was not surprising that only 5.0% in Bugisu attributed their inability to increase their shares to low profits, compared to 13.0% in East Mengo and 42.0% in Banyankore Kweterana. Members of Primary societies in Bugisu further mentioned inability to mobilize savings i.e. 21.0% compared to 37.0% in East Mengo and 24.0% in Banyankore Kweterana.

2.4.2 Influence on Receipt of Bonuses in Primary Societies

With regard to receipt of bonuses, 42.6% of males reported having received in the preceding one year, compared to only 11.8% of females (p=.00000). Amongst district unions, most members in primary societies in Bugisu reported receiving bonuses (44.0%) compared to 27.0% in East Mengo and 12.0% in Banyankore Kweterana (p=.00472). The gender and district union variations were closely linked to number of paid -up shares; as a mechanism of accumulating capital, primary societies set a specified number of shares that must be paid up before members were eligible for receiving bonuses. For bonuses are profits accumulated by primary societies from investing the funds generated in form of share capital in the societies' business transactions. Hence, members who had paid-up to, or above the specified shares were entitled to receiving bonuses. And suffice to note that it was mostly males and members in primary societies in Bugisu Co-operative union who reported that they had increased the number of shares held in their respective societies in the preceding one year. Nonetheless, it is important to further note that the gender and district union proportions that reported having received bonuses were lower than those that reported having increased the number of shares held in the preceding one year. This was because some societies did not give out bonuses, having agreed at their general meetings to re-invest the bonuses in order to raise more operating capital.

2.4.3 Influence on Receipt of Loans in Primary Co-operative Societies

The number of males who had obtained loans from their respective primary societies was almost double (78.0%) the proportion of females 39.3% (p=.00000). Amongst district unions, receipt of loans was most reported in Bugisu (89.0%), followed by 54.0% in East Mengo and 35.0% in Banyankole Kweterana (p=.00009). Whereas there were no statistically significant differences between males' and females' reporting of receipt of loans n the primary societies in Bugisu, the gender differences in East Mengo and Banyankole Kweterana were statistically significant. This is illustrated in table 7.

Table 7. Receipt of loans in primary societies, by district union and by gender

More females than males significantly attributed their not having received loans (a key economic opportunity in primary societies) from their respective societies to having not yet applied for the loans and for those who had applied, to having had their applications turned down. An almost equal number of males and females reported that their respective primary societies were not giving loans. This is indicated in table 8.

Table 8. Reasons why fewer females than males had obtained loans from their respective primary societies

Note: p= .00000.

Data desegregation by district union and gender showed that more females than males in Banyankore Kweterana attributed their not having received loans due to their applications not having been honoured. More females than males in both East Mengo and Banyankore Kweterana said that they had not yet applied. Table 9 highlights the gender and district union variations.

Table 9. Reasons why some members of primary co-operative societies had not received loans from their respective societies, by district union and by gender

Gender reasons	Bugisu		East Mengo		Banyankore Kweterana
	Males (%)	Females (%)	Males (%)	Females (%)	Males (%)	Females (%)
My application was turned down	-	-	9.0	7.0	10.0	26.0
Had not yet applied	12.0	10.0	9.0	29.0	15.0	27.0
My society was not giving loans	-	-	14.0	24.0	25.0	27.0
Not applicable	88.0	90.0	68,0	40.0	50.0	20.0
Total %	100	100	100	100	100	100
Total (n)	50	50	50	50	50	50
	p=.84291		p=.00436		p=.00000

Nonetheless, all respondents who had received loans from their respective primary societies said that the loans had been useful. Loans received were used to purchase coffee from farmers for sale to the members' respective primary societies at a profit, to purchase seedlings of cloned coffee for planting, payment of school fees for children and in meeting other domestic requirements. Further, 94.6% had repaid back the loans received with 82.1% saying that they repaid back within the required and specified time period which ranged between 3 and 12 months depending on the amount, purpose of loan and rules governing loan repayment in different primary societies.

2.4.4 Influence on Member Patronage and Other Economic Behaviour in Primary Societies

Only 9.1% of the respondents reported that they did not always patronize their societies, for they sometimes sold their coffee and other agricultural produce to other societies or agents of buyers. Prompt payment and higher prices offered by societies other than their own and by the agents of other buyers were cited as the major reasons why this minority did not always patronize their societies. However, since the liberalization of the co-operative movement and by proxy, the primary societies, most societies are operating as profitable business enterprises offering equally high prices in the generally competitive liberalized economic environment. That is why 90.9% of the respondents reported that they always did patronize their respective societies.

Asked whether their spouses/male-kin were aware of the female-respondents' membership in primary societies, 92.0% of the females answered in affirmative. Further, only 7.0% reported that their spouses and male - kin discouraged them from participating in the activities of primary societies. Alternately, 68.0% of the females said that their spouses/male - kin were supportive of their membership in primary societies, while 25.0% reported that their spouses/male - kin were indifferent. Implicitly, male resistance to female participation in primary societies was minimal.

2.5 Implications for Creating Self-reliant and Sustainable Primary Co-operative Societies

As a grassroots/peasant membership organization the creation of a self-reliant and sustainable development of agricultural primary co-operative societies required the societies to be responsible to the need and aspirations of all members. Secondly, there is need for all members to feel ownership of their societies, and as stake holders feel obligated to undertake their responsibilities within their societies and further collectively shape the societies' leadership, goals, plans, programmes and activities. The framework for creation of a self-reliant sustainable development of primary co-operative societies exists in the form of rules and regulations espousing democratic practice, members control and equitable access to benefits by all members, male and female alike. However, the structural set-up in the societies and the socio-institutional environment within which primary societies are located may pose obstacles, particularly in exerting member control and in sharing of benefits, especially loans and bonuses, which are the major economic opportunities in the societies.

Although the "one member one vote" system in primary societies and the vesting of power in the general assembly (consisting of all members) as the highest decision-making authority in the societies, portrays democratic practice and member control, respectively, the tacit power structures in the societies influenced the degree of exercising democratic practice and member control. For instance, the influential leadership positions of chairperson, treasurer and secretary in all the societies were reportedly a preserve of the elderly, wealthy and male founder members. Only 22.3% of the members had ever offered themselves for election and the majority offered themselves for election on sub-committees, yet 89.7% said they participated in electing executive committees. The elderly and wealthy members derived their influence and power from having more paid-up shares, making more deliveries and having been members of their respective societies for decades. Whereas there were no complaints amongst the members with respect to monopolizing executive leadership positions by the elderly, the wealthy, and male - founder members (actually the membership appeared to support the status quo), there is a danger to continuity/sustainability of primary societies if younger members are not groomed early enough to take over leadership form the elderly members.

Secondly, there is a problem of personality cults emerging in primary societies with the societies successes and, or, failures being attributed to the elderly, wealthy, male groups instead of the general memberships. This further threatens the creation of a self-reliant sustainable development of primary societies. Thirdly, there is a danger of the elderly, wealthy, male-founder members taking over the decision-making machinery in primary societies. Although 82.7% of the general membership reported participating in decision-making, 56.3% were aged 40 and above compared to only 26.4% who were aged below 40. Females participated significantly lesser in decision-making than the males. As a result, it is safer to argue that a large proportion of the primary societies' activities and programmes were formulated and guided by the elderly, wealthy, male-founder groups instead of the entire memberships. Given that rural communities from which memberships of primary societies are drawn are stratified, sometimes visibly, but often in a suitable manner along gender and social status differences, these differences were cropping up in primary societies to the detriment of creating a self-reliant sustainable development of primary societies that are member-cantered. Mayoux (1988) referred to the replication of societal socio-institutional and structural set-up in the primary societies. Mayoux noted that the very issue of co-operation itself and how benefits can be distributed equitably, without causing resentment on the part of those who put in most effort, skills and resources (in this case the elderly, wealthy, male-founder groups), is an extremely contentious one. Mayoux added that this problem is acute where there are pre-existing social and economic inequalities amongst members, though it poses serious problems for sustainability of primary societies for it is not challenged by the entire membership who have accepted the status quo. In order to break-up the monopoly of leadership positions in primary co-operative societies, a by-law could be passed that restricts members to holding leadership positions for only two terms of not more than three years each.

Although the majority of members and executive committees of primary societies reported that females were as capable as males in undertaking economic and social activities, the majority simultaneously held the view that females behaved differently from males because of physiological differences. It was further held that females were physically and socio-economically inferior to males, especially with respect to executing leadership roles, generating income and engaging in commercial farming activities. It is probably because of these beliefs that fewer females than males had been availed loans for purchasing coffee for sale to primary societies, because even the coffee business was construed by one-fifth of the respondents as a male activity. Thus, the socio-institutional environment in the Ugandan rural communities in which the primary societies are located bestowed an inferior status on females which was replicated in the primary societies to the detriment of females' receipt of loan regardless of their being considered as capable as men in undertaking economic activities and being perceived as lesser credit risks. Interestingly, in primary societies under Bugisu Co-operative Union, as many men as women had received loans, implying that the socio-institutional environment was more supportive to all members than was the case in primary societies under East Mengo and Banyankore Kweterana Co-operative Unions. The supportive socio-institutional environment in Bugisu is attributable to the long history of cultivating coffee, of receiving higher returns from the cultivation and of reaping more benefits from membership of primary societies.

Pacavira (1988) similarly attributed the overwhelming female dominance and active involvement with males in peasant associations (equivalent of primary societies) in Angola to the conducive socio-institutional environment in which the societies were located. In Angola, agricultural work was largely female work and cultural and legal restrictions, which could forbid or curtail wives from joining Associations, were absent. Besides, the associations were based to some extent on traditional forms of co-operation that ensured the supply of consumer goods, means of production and sale of produce.

Since the socio-institutional environment in Ugandan primary societies posed obstacles to females accessing of loans to purchase coffee (the key lucrative economic opportunity in primary societies), a by-law could also be passed amongst primary societies forbidding members from receiving the coffee purchasing loans more than once before all the other members who wish to receive the loans have had a chance. This way, females will also have an opportunity to be availed the loans.

Because equitability in accessing leadership positions and in sharing of benefits, especially bigger amount loans, are key to creating a self-reliant and sustainable development of agricultural primary co-operative societies since they largely foster feelings of ownership and enhance member commitment, it is imperative that the structural (power) and socio-institutional obstacles be addressed. Since the obstacles are embedded in the tacit rather than the explicit, awakening the consciousness of members through seminars to the structural and socio-institutional influence on the management of their societies and sharing of benefits is recommended. During such forum, the implications for creating a self-reliant and sustainable development of primary co-operative societies, which are responsive to the needs and aspirations of all members', should also be highlighted. Members could then be persuaded to pass by-laws (through their general assemblies) that seek to circumvent the obstacles posed by the subtle discriminative practices in their respective primary societies. This will pave the way for the creation of self-reliant sustainable development of primary societies which operate as democratic, member controlled organizations, and simultaneously, as viable and competitive business enterprises providing economic and other services to their members, men and women, young and old, new and old entrants alike.