The literature reviewed hereunder covers the international, African and local perspectives under the categories of women's participation in armed conflict and women's marginalisation in the governance of post-armed conflict society.
When one thinks of war, the first image that springs to the mind is that of men engaged and dying in combat. If one thinks of women at all, it is of them mourning the death of their men, without considering those women who involve themselves in combat or the non-combatant women who have contributed in other forms. This is mostly because in history, it was usually men who took on the role of fighters. Traditionally, women stayed at home taking care of children (Williams 1989) and keeping the home fires burning (Andama 1990). Secondly, because women are supposed to be naturally frail and submissive (Rowbotham 1990), and lack force and masculinity (Tiger 1989), they are regarded as unfit for participation in armed conflict. However, during the last two centuries, women have been increasingly drawn into war as combatants and non-combatants. During the two world wars, women produced munitions and served as nurses, drivers, mobilisers and combatants (Williams 1989). Women have also played major roles in revolutionary movements - Britain (17th Century, France 1789), Russia (1917), China (1911 - 45), Afghanistan (1978), Iran (1979), Nicaragua (1960s-79), where they fought in streets and jungles alongside men (Randall 1987).
This trend is evident in Asia where women participated in Vietnam against French and American occupation, in Sri Lanka, Korea, Japan and China. Roles included carrying out mobilisation, providing food and other supplies to and hiding revolutionaries, recruitment, evacuation, combat and welfare provision (OAH, 1988; Rowbotham, 1972; Benett, Bexley and Warnock 1995).
In the Middle East, women's participation dates to as far back as 625 AD, during the battle of Uhudi; the Mohammedan wars against the Sasanian and Byzantine empires between 661 and 750 AD (OAH 1988). Similar participation has been witnessed more recently during the Afghan revolution and civil war; the Iranian and South Yemenis revolutions; the Iran-Iraq war, the Lebanese civil wars (Benett, Bexley, and Warnock 1995) as well as the Palestinian Intifada and the Gulf War. During these conflicts, women played significant roles (OAH 1988; Moghadam 1993; Randall 1987).
In South and Central America, too, women have participated significantly in peasant revolts and urban guerrilla movements in Argentina and Brazil. By 1977, they constituted 27% in Nicaragua's Sandinista National Liberation Front. Participants' roles included combat, espionage, welfare provision, donation of blood and other supplies, staging of riots and provision of traditional medical care (Randall 1987; OAH 1988). On the African scene, women constituted 25% of the ZANLA forces in Zimbabwe, 33% of the Tigrajan forces (Snyder and Tadesse 1995) and 5% of the Kenyan Mau Mau guerrillas (Kanongo 1987). Elsewhere, women fought alongside men in Angola and Mozambique (Snyder and Tadesse 1995; Urdang 1989), in Sudan and Chad (Doual 1991; Bwolo 1991). In all these wars, women were involved in combat, mobilisation, underground work, evacuation and welfare provision, food cultivation, cleaning and administration (Benett, Bexley and Warnock 1995).
In Uganda, despite a history of armed conflict, women's participation has not been documented according to most literature reviewed. Karugire (1980) surveys the pre-colonial wars while Kirunda (1995) and Kabwegyere (1987) talk about the Rwenzuru insurgency and the 1979 Liberation War. However, not all of them mention women's participation. Undoubtedly, women have been part and parcel of these armed conflicts and have been involved in the struggle against indigenous despots. During the conflict in Northern Uganda, Alice Lakwena led the Holy Spirit Movement against the NRA while other women participated as combatants, couriers, gave refuge to rebels and provided them with water, food and clothing (Benett, Bexley, and Warnock 1995). During the conflict in the "Luwero Triangle", women participated by gathering intelligence, collecting and transporting arms and doing administrative work (Byanyima 1990; Nyonyintono 1992). These studies were not, however, aimed specifically at women's participation.
Because of their massive support for and participation in armed conflict, women's visibility increased (Williams 1989). The stereotypical notion of women as the weaker sex has reduced (OAH, 1988) and women's organisations sprung up, thus strengthening the women's Movement (Rowbotham 1972). In some countries, like Afghanistan, Turkey and South Yemen, national progress was viewed by the post-conflict leadership as bound up with equality and the emancipation of women (Moghadam 1993). This trend is also evident in Cuba (OAH 1988) and Nicaragua (Molyneux 1985).
However, most of these gains were only temporary (Williams 1989). In most countries, the leadership in post-conflict era regarded cultural identity, integrity and cohesion as strongly dependant upon women's "proper behaviour" (Moghadam 1993). Therefore, women participants who had expected their burdens to be lightened after the conflict, were often disappointed (Isibister 1991). Too often, the road to political power stretches from battlefields (Kelber 1994) but this rarely applies to women whose sacrifices during armed conflict have gone unrecorded by those whom they helped bring to power (Molyneux 1985). In France, male revolutionaries denied women legal political rights after 1789. Women's political associations were banned and it was not until 1944 that French women gained suffrage (Kelber 1994). In Iran, Algeria, Kenya, Japan and Ethiopia, where women demonstrated admirable courage during battle, they were not accorded adequate participation in the affairs of the new republics. National constitutions provided theoretical equality yet denied women emancipation (OAH 1988). In Algeria, Sharia law was instituted after independence, thus effectively barring women from public life (Panaf 1975; Moghadam 1993). In Zimbabwe, Angola and Mozambique, the principle of equality of the sexes has not translated into equity in decision-making (Parpart and Stuadt 1989).
On the whole, women have never risen to the presidency or premiership resulting from participation in armed conflict. The number of women ministers is small in most countries. This is also true of women parliamentarians. In 1986, women constituted 15% in Angola, and in 1989, they were 12% in Mozambique and 15.3% in the former USSR. By 1991, China had 21.3% women legislators, North Korea 20.1%, Vietnam 17.7%, Japan 2.3%, Nicaragua 16.3%, Turkey 1.3%, Iran 1.5%, Kenya 1.1%, and France 5.7% (Kelber 1994).
In Uganda too, women have been marginalised in the governance of their society. In his analysis of pre-colonial Ugandan society, Karugire (1980) talks about chiefs, kings, clan councils and councils of elders, all of which institutions did not have a place for women. Kyokutamba (1984) argues that during colonialism, a patriarchal legacy was promoted based on the Buganda administrative structure that had, in the past, sidelined women. Women's low participation partly results from cultural beliefs and low literacy levels among women (Mwaka, Mugyenyi, and Banya 1994; Kyokutamba 1994). This view is supported by Karugire (1980) who argues that western education effectively disenfranchised women who form the majority of the illiterate and who as such have largely been spectators rather than active participants in politics.
At independence, politics was monopolised by the elite to the near exclusion of the peasantry, a majority of whom are women. Amin's regime put restrictions on women in the 1970s and banned political parties that would have served as substitutes (Mwaka Mugyenyi, and Banya 1994). Amin, however, appointed Senkantuka Astles as Sports and Culture Minister. During the UNLF regime, apart from the appointment of Mirembe Bitamazire as Education Minister, women's participation was not felt. Between 1980 and 1985, more women were involved than before as political parties went out to recruit new members. However, women were only encouraged to vote, and no deliberate efforts were made for women to contest.
With the coming to power of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) government in 1986, after a 6-year war against Obote's regime, institutions were established and policies initiated to encourage women's participation (Mwaka Mugyenyi, and Banya 1994). The government has done this by developing a decentralised system of Resistance Councils and Committees (RCs) with different levels from RC1 to RC5. Each of these has a mandatory executive position for women, i.e., Secretary for Women Affairs; District National Resistance Council (NRC) and Constituent Assembly (CA) Women's representatives; establishment of a Department of Women Affairs at the NRM Secretariat; the creation of the Ministry of Gender, and the appointment of Women to ministerial positions and a woman vice president (WID 1994).
Despite the government's commitment to increase women's participation in politics, the number in decision-making positions is still very low (UNCC/GOU 1994). Women, therefore, lack a meaningful voice in community affairs while their problems are secondary in planning (Andama 1990). By 1994, there were only 5 women as opposed to 38 men ministers. In the NRC, women legislators formed 16% and in its Executive Council, only 8%. While a woman was the Vice-Chairperson, women composition in the CA was 19%. Of the 39 Resident District Commissioners, only 5 are women (WID 1994; Kyokutamba 1994; Mwaka Mugyenyi, and Banya 1994).
After the war in 1986, the NRA never formulated a clear policy on the terms of engagement of women in the army. Young women consequently fell at the mercy of the male superiority that controls the army. Most of them, therefore, withdrew to civilian life (Kyokutamba 1994) after seeing their male counterparts getting promotions while they were marginalised. All officers with the rank of Lieutenant Colonel and above and directors of the different UPDF directorates are men. Women's representation in the army is important because of the army's proximity to political power, monopoly of the instruments of coercion and ability to influence government policy and to invade corridors of political power (Almond and Powell 1994). The NRA was allocated 10 seats in the NRC and CA each, none of which was taken by a female soldier.
While works on youth and women councils are yet to be carried out, in her analysis of RCs, Mulyampiti (1993) concludes that women's participation on these structures is still very low. Boyd (1989) and Mwaka, Mugyenyi, and Banya (1994) advance that women rarely initiate policy nor do they contest for electoral office. Women are constrained by heavy workload and the few who participate do not have mechanisms to translate their participation into policy-making.
For women, equality has not been realised because political power is shared unequally. Deprivation of opportunity to participate in political decision-making has left women in an inferior position while making them vulnerable to exploitation and marginalisation (Boyd 1989; Aseny 1994). This, however, is an analysis of women's marginalisation in general. None of the literature shows in any way how women participants in armed conflict have been marginalised in the governance of post-conflict Uganda.
