SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS OF MINING IN BOTSWANA: A CASE STUDY OF THE SELEBI-PHIKWE COPPER-NICKEL MINE

Bismarck Kwaku Asare *

and

M. B. K. Darkoh

ABSTRACT: The overall aim of the paper^_ is to examine the operations of the Copper-Nickel Mine in Selebi-Phikwe and assess its socio-economic and environmental impacts. The specific objectives are to assess the socio-economic impacts of the mine on the local people and examine its environmental effects on soil, water resources, vegetation cover and air quality in and around Selebi-Phikwe. The paper is presented under the broad hypothesis that the Copper-Nickel Mine in Selebi-Phikwe is having deleterious impact on the people and the local environment. To be able to achieve the above objectives, a number of relevant research methods were used, which included primary and secondary data collection. This was done through questionnaires, documentary search, field observations and key informant discussions with relevant individuals, groups and institutions.

The major findings of the study show that the presence of the mine has led to a rapid growth of the population through migration, which has outstripped the ability and capacity of the town's social services such as housing, to cope with the surging tide of migrants. The result has been the proliferation of squatter settlements at the periphery. Also, important are the effects of air pollution from the mine on human health, soil, water and vegetation in the area. Another effect is the scarcity of land for the development of settlement, as about 40 hectares of land cannot be developed for human settlement due to pollution in the area. The mine is faced with financial difficulties, which have limited its ability to meet environmental quality standards and also to extend assistance to the community within which it operates. There is also no direct linkage between the management of the mine and the community on environmental issues. Socio-economic benefits such as the development of social and economic infrastructure, manufacturing and construction industries, commercial and public sector activities have improved significantly, as the government's commitment to diversify the local economy is high. Employment creation and generation from the various sectors including the mine have improved significantly but the income levels of the people are generally low.

On the basis of the findings, it is recommended that there should be an independent medical health team to carry out health impact research, comprehensive socio-economic and environmental impact assessment of the mine, to initiate regular community and institutional consultations and set up an independent air quality monitoring team. The mine should explore viable markets, train its employees, diversify and ensure cleaner production and incorporate a management system for sustainable development. The government should enact a legislative instrument that empowers local communities to actively participate in environmental issues that affect them directly.

1. Introduction

Botswana's main natural resources are range and arable land, a large wildlife population, and a variety of known and promising occurrences of minerals. Due to aridity and edaphic conditions, arable land in the country is scarce. It is, for instance, estimated that less than 5 percent of Botswana's land area is cultivable (Government of Botswana 1998). The scanty annual rainfall makes arable agriculture a precarious undertaking. Much more of the country's land is suited to extensive livestock production, mainly cattle, goats, sheep and poultry. This is reflected in the fact that the cattle population is about twice the human population (Government of Botswana 1991a).

The mining sector in Botswana is at present the backbone of the country's economy. In the early periods of Botswana's independence (1967/68), agriculture was the main sector that contributed significantly to annual GDP (about 41 percent) while mining contributed only 2 percent (Government of Botswana 1991b). Thereafter, the contribution of mining continued to rise steadily reaching an average of 15.5 percent in the 1977/78 financial year. By 1982/83, the mining sector had become the leading contributor to GDP, and has since then maintained its lead. It accounted for 31.2 percent in 1982/83 and as much as 51 percent in 1988/89 financial years (Government of Botswana 1991b). From 1990 up to the present, the contribution of mining has been within the range of 34 to 38 percent per annum. For example, in 1990/91, the GDP contribution from mining was 38.2 percent and in 1994/95, it reduced to 33.8 percent (Government of Botswana 1998). The decline in mining contribution to GDP may partly be attributed to the rapid growth of other sectors such as manufacturing and commercial sectors of the economy. Fluctuations in commodity prices globally, particularly copper and nickel, may also have contributed to the decline. The mining sector currently accounts for over 70 percent of national export earnings and nearly 50 percent of government revenue (Government of Botswana 1998).

The mining industry in Botswana is highly capital-intensive but it provides a large number of skilled and unskilled jobs both directly and indirectly, through supporting associated industries and providing infrastructure for mining. Available statistics from the National Development Plan Eight of 1998 shows that in 1986, the total number of paid employees in the mining sector was 7,600 and this increased to 8,400 in 1995. Both BCL and Debswana Diamond Company (Debswana) at the moment employ about 5,000 people each (Government of Botswana 1998). The mines are a major source of training opportunities and have been responsible for the development of a wide range of skills to the benefit of the mining sector and related industrial sectors of the economy (Government of Botswana 1998). The increasing contribution of the mining sector has led to over-concentration of government resources and attention in the sector to generate enough revenue to meet the diverse socio-economic needs of the population (Government of Botswana 1997). As a result, the environment in the mining areas has faced the prospect of degradation from mining activities. This paper assesses both the socio-economic and environmental impacts of mining in the country, with a special emphasis on Selebi-Phikwe Copper-Nickel Mine.

2. Background to the Study Problem

The Selebi-Phikwe Copper-Nickel Mine was the first large-scale economic enterprise in Botswana after independence. Prospecting for minerals in the area was started in 1956 (Mothudi 1985) by a company known as Bamangwato Concessions Limited (BCL). This company was owned jointly by the Anglo-American Corporation, an American company called Amax, and the Botswana Government who owned 50 percent of the shares. The Selebi orebody was discovered in 1963, and the Phikwe orebody a few years later (Government of Botswana 1991b, 178). By 1967, the Bamangwato Concessions Limited (BCL) had confirmed to the Botswana government its readiness to mine at Selebi-Phikwe. Full-scale mining operations started in 1973 after a series of negotiations and agreements regarding ownership of the mine, share of profits, construction of infrastructure and compensation to the people whose farmland had been taken over (Mothudi 1985).

One unfortunate aspect that was downplayed was the identification of possible negative impacts of mining on natural resources such as vegetation, soil, water bodies and on human population in the area. No detailed environmental impact assessment was carried out, hence, no environmental mitigation programmes were put in place. The company, since its establishment, has been faced with many technical and financial problems. For instance, the compensation that was to be paid to the affected people was delayed until 1973 and the people refused to move out of the place, which coincided with the construction of the mine infrastructure facilities and the town. As a result, commercial activities boomed for the local citizens who were selling livestock, fresh milk and traditional alcoholic beverages to the mineworkers. The mine also attracted labour, both skilled and unskilled, from the hinterland and other parts of Botswana. The influx resulted in squatter settlement development around the new town but within the mine's concession area (Mothudi 1985).

Production in the mine increased substantially during the Botswana National Development Plan period of 1991 - 1997 (Government of Botswana 1998). For instance, during the period, the BCL produced approximately 40,000 tonnes of copper matte per annum (Chakufwa 1985). However, fluctuations and low prices of copper-nickel caused by the world economic recession, which affected metal markets in the industrial economies since the 1970s had caused the mine to operate at a loss. Production also suffered as a result of metal grades in certain sections of the Phikwe orebody falling below expectations. Unit production costs escalated sharply such that BCL's competitive position among international nickel producers was eroded. The mine had incurred large arrears in debt service payments (Government of Botswana 1998; Chakufwa 1985).

The financial problems confronted by the BCL mine, necessitated the need for the government to intervene by providing emergency funding to help meet most capital and recurrent cost of the company. For example, during the National Development Plan of 1991 - 1997, the government provided about 67 million Pula (US$16.75 million) to the mine. The substantial support from the government and major investments in the BCL over these years without any appreciable improvement in revenue generation and environmental protection had also attracted public outcry to close down the mine during the period of low metal prices. The low metal prices from 1992 to the present place the company in a real danger of closing. The mine has had to control operating costs, capital expenditure, postpone certain development projects and carry out only those aimed at its short- term survival or "stay at business" levels (Government of Botswana 1998).

The financial difficulties and low profit experienced by the company appear to have partly accounted for the low investment in environmental protection and efforts to address the negative impacts of the copper-nickel mine in Selebi-Phikwe. Environmental protection measures appear to be costly and since benefits are not immediate but long-term, they have been downplayed. Even where some preventive measures have been put in place, management and monitoring appear to have been inadequate. The expansion of production capacity of the company over the years, without any appreciable corresponding expansion of profits, appears to have limited the company's capacity to undertake environmental pollution control projects. Although it was planned that gases from the mine would be carried away by the prevailing winds from the settlement, the planning was poor. As a result, squatter settlements developed away from the direction of the wind while the actual planned settlement was located in the direction of major pollution impacts. It is worth mentioning that sulphur dioxide from the mine was initially converted into sulphuric acid but has since been abandoned because there was no profitable market for sulphuric acid. Indeed, the mine has contributed and continues to contribute to the growth of the economy as well as the development of modern technology in Botswana. However, it appears to have been associated with environmental problems such as air, soil and water pollution, and destruction of vegetation through pollution from ambient sulphur dioxide and effluent discharges. Furthermore, it has been identified as the major cause of health problems for people located within the immediate environs. This paper aims at examining the operations of the mine and its socio-economic and environmental impacts. The specific questions addressed in this paper are:

1. What effects have the mining activities had on human migration, health, economic activities/investments, local employment and incomes?

2. How does the disposal of effluents and waste from the mining activities affect the surrounding environment in Selebi-Phikwe?

3. To what extent are the environmental policies of the government complied with?

The paper also assesses the effectiveness of the environmental management measures implemented by the company since it began its operations. The general hypothesis is that the Copper- Nickel Mine in Selebi-Phikwe is having deleterious impacts on people and the environment in the area.

The original aim was to carry out an environmental impact assessment of the mine. Data limitations, the politically sensitive nature of the subject of research and limited cooperation from officials of the Department of Mines during the fieldwork for the study made it, however, impracticable to apply a full-scale EIA method. The method used for data collection is summarised in table 1.

Socio-economic data was collected from respondents using questionnaires (Asare 1999). Questionnaires were administered to household heads in Selebi-Phikwe. A household in this sense is defined as one person living on his/her own or those living together, sharing eating arrangements and working and contributing to the household income. The household head (respondent) is the individual or person who takes responsibility of the entire household collective matters on behalf of the other members, including him/herself, and can be a male or female. The total questionnaires administered in the study were 144. Out of this, 107 were administered in Selebi-Phikwe and 37 in Mmadinare, one of the most affected villages near the town. The latter was chosen for the purposes of comparison. The details of socio-economic data collection, including sample size and limitations of the data are explained in Asare (1999, 44-52). In addition to the questionnaires, secondary data from literature, reports, and field checks and the holding of formal and informal discussions with key informants such as the relevant institutions, chiefs and elders who have stayed in the area for a long time, were employed.

Technical information on pollutants was obtained from the published annual reports of the Air Pollution Control Division of the Department of Mines and interviews of key personnel working in the Division. Ambient air quality and affluent discharges in Selebi-Phikwe have been monitored since 1980. Annual mean ambient sulphur dioxide concentrations are measured at about ten sampling stations in Selebi-Phikwe area and the results reported in the annual reports of the Mines Department.

Table 1. Summary of data collection methods used

In Selebi-Phikwe, the town has been divided into four zones according to the BCL air quality control stations. These are Selebi-Phikwe government hospital area, Botshabelo, BCL Family Clinic and Low-Density areas that cover "New Stands". Out of these four zones, the researchers selected Botshabelo, Government hospital and Newstance for interviews. These places were purposely selected because of the perceived intensity of the pollution impact. During the period of research in May 1999, a 25 meteorological tower was installed and commissioned which would help the Selebi-Phikwe Air Quality Laboratory make accurate measurements in order to determine the most effective abatement programme.

3. Conceptual Framework

This paper is discussed within the framework of environmental sustainability, which emerged from the concept of sustainable development. Environmental sustainability in development has become a cardinal principle in developmental processes all over the world. The need to plan, organise, control, regulate and manage the available natural resources is vital if development and growth are to be achieved in a sustainable way. The concept of sustainable development came into prominence in 1980, when the International Union for the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN) presented the World Conservation Strategy (WCS) with the overall aim of "achieving sustainable development through the conservation of living resources". It became a global tool in 1987, after publication of the report of the World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED). The popularly accepted definition of sustainable development is "development that meets the needs of the present generation without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs" (WCED 1987). The implication of this definition is that development must not endanger the natural systems that support life on earth (the atmosphere, water, soils and the living being). The concept has been put forward as a framework within which we can balance immediate and long-term human demands and the health of the environment, both now and in the future.

This concept is particularly important in developing countries such as Botswana as it stresses that renewable natural resources should be treated as production factors which need to be used and maintained in a sustainable manner. There is a strong emphasis on intergenerational equity. Thus, exploitation of resources, investment patterns, technological development and institutional changes must all incorporate environmental concerns and balance resource use and prevention of destruction. The most important characteristic of sustainable development is the emphasis on the interdependence between development and resource conservation. This paradigm constitutes a clear departure from the old ways of thinking, when natural resources only attracted attention once problems such as pollution and land degradation emerged (Colby 1990). The interactions between economic growth, poverty and natural resource management have been given significant impetus in development policies and guidelines (WCED 1987).

Mining activities affect the natural and human environments of the mining areas. The most important impacts are air pollution, changing of vegetation as a result of site clearance, dust, leaching of pollutants from tailings and disposal areas, and contamination of soils and water. On the human environment, positive impacts such as employment generation, provision of infrastructure and attraction of economic and social investments are recorded as some of the positive socio-economic contributions made by the mine.

In Botswana, the cardinal development planning principles from the time of independence in 1966, have been sustained development, rapid economic growth, economic independence and social justice, which are reflected in almost all the national development plans (Government of Botswana 1997). The concept of sustained development as used in the government development plan documents seems to imply efficiency in investments and does not necessarily or adequately connote sustainable development, which emphasises the interdependence between development and the environment. Thus, until the publication of the Long Term Vision for Botswana (Vision 2016) in 1997, which stresses the latter viewpoint, environmental sustainability has been downplayed especially in the mining sector. From the past and present experiences in the country, emphasis on rapid economic growth has overshadowed all the other principles outlined (Government of Botswana 1997). Environmental sustainability, particularly in the mining sector, has been downplayed either because it was not properly understood or because of the urge to achieve rapid economic development in the country. Although there are large-scale efforts and research to address the problems of rapid rangeland degradation and desertification, very little efforts are being made to address the land degradation problems caused by mining and mineral exploitation. The government continues to promote mineral exploitation on a large-scale. For example, even in Vision 2016, it has been indicated that the position of Botswana in the world as a major diamond producer can only be maintained through continued exploration (Government of Botswana 1997). The report emphasises that the pace of exploration and exploitation should be maintained, particularly in diamonds, gold, other precious metals and oil. While Vision 2016 states that renewable resources will be used at a rate that is in balance with their regeneration capacity, regarding non-renewable resources on the other hand, it merely states that such resources (minerals) "will be used efficiently, and their depletion will be balanced by enhanced physical and labour capital". Vision 2016 is silent on the incidence of environmental degradation caused by mining activities in the country.

Increased exploration and expansion of mining activities in the country are expected to have major positive social and economic consequences: increased revenue, improvement in the standard of living of the people especially in areas of employment generation, infrastructure development and expansion of industrial and commercial activities. On the other hand, there could be negative externalities such as air, water and soil pollution, the development of squatter settlements, high internal migration of people to the mining areas and pressure on social services, and increasing waste management problems (see Figure 1).

Figure 1. Conceptual framework: Impacts of mining

SOURCE: Asare 1999.

Today, the challenge facing Botswana is how to achieve rapid social and economic development while ensuring at the same time that the renewable natural resources in the country are managed sustainably, and the environment is protected. If government and all stakeholders in natural resource utilisation and management in Botswana pay more attention to the environment in legislation, policy formulation, implementation and monitoring, the environment and resources will be managed in a sustainable way so as to help meet the needs of the present and future generations. As Botswana aims at achieving and sustaining its development through efficient and effective utilisation of its resources in the new millennium, mining activities should not only contribute to rapid economic growth of the country but also to environmental sustainability.

4. Review of the Literature

Mining operations have been seen as environmentally unfriendly economic activities that have contributed significantly to the current global destruction and degradation of natural and human environments. This section of the paper reviews the relevant literature on mining activities and the environment, including environmental policies and legislation in Southern African region and Botswana.

5. Mining Activities in the Southern African Environment

The mining sub-sector accounts for a significant share of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in most countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, including those of southern Africa (SADC 1998). There has been an over-concentration of mineral production and revenue generation for rapid economic growth that has brought about serious environmental problems. According to the SADC (1998) Mining Annual Report, the share of the mining industry in GDP in SADC countries is about 10 percent. At individual country level, the contribution of mining to the GDP of countries such as Botswana, South Africa and Zambia is very substantial. In Botswana, it accounts for about 40 percent of the GDP and about 80 percent of foreign exchange earnings. In 1996, the mineral revenue to the Botswana government (royalties, dividends, lease rental and sundries) was 49 percent above the 1995 receipt. In Zambia, it accounted for 13 percent of GDP and 90 percent of the total export earnings in 1997 (SADC 1998). SADC member states' contribution at the global market level has always been very significant, particularly for minerals such as copper, diamond, and gold that are extensively produced in the region. Between 1980 and 1982, SADC accounted for about 7.6 percent in copper production at the world market with the main producing countries being Botswana, Zambia and South Africa. In the same period, diamond production (in carats) accounted for 18.5 percent globally. Botswana supplied the bulk of the product (SADCC 1984).

Botswana's contribution in the production of copper and nickel in the Southern African region has been very significant. In 1996, it was the third major producer of copper after Zambia and South Africa, and the second in nickel production after South Africa (see tables 2 and 3). In terms of mineral export earnings, Botswana is placed second after South Africa since 1987 to the present.

Table 2. Copper production in tonnes in SADC (1992-1996)

SOURCE: SADC Mining Annual Report 1998.

Table 3. Nickel production in tonnes in SADC (1992-1996)

SOURCE: SADC Mining Annual Report 1998

In 1994 Botswana obtained about 1,555 million dollars from its mineral exports whilst South Africa received about 8,551 million dollars, as the highest producer in that particular year (SADC 1998, 4).

The immense contribution made by the mining sector in the socio-economic development of the SADC member countries has enhanced the organisation's efforts in promoting and developing the mining sector. This promotional effort is in terms of policy formulation, investment objectives and strategies, legislation and the creation of an enabling environment for investments and development in the member countries. According to the 1992 Mining Annual Report of SADC, the objectives of the mining sector are derived from the principles and policies set out in the 1980 Lusaka Declaration. The policy strategies include the following: a) establishment of sovereignty over natural resources; b) development of mineral-based industries; (c) development of indigenous skilled manpower capacity; d) increased exploitation; (e) provision of market research; f) increased contribution of small-scale mining; and (g) minimisation of the adverse impacts of mining operations on the environment (SADC 1992).

Various assessments have been made of the effects of mining activities on people's health and the physical environment, which have been reported in many articles and journals including annual reports of the Southern Africa Environmental Project (SAEP 1998) based in South Africa. In March 1998, the Parliament of South Africa in Cape Town passed a bill that will give the local community adequate legal backing to fully participate in environmental decisions, management and protection that affect their lives and development. The passing of the bill became necessary partly as a result of problems and conflicts that are arising from various mining areas between the communities and the mining companies (SAEP 1998). Many mining firms in South Africa, Zambia, Namibia, Lesotho, among others, have been subjected to a series of criticism and legal penalties. For example, the Rio Tinto Zinc operating the Rossing Uranium Mines, the Tsumbo Corporation Limited, and the Gold Fields of Namibia are facing losses of billions of Namibian dollars in the form of claims for health damage in Namibia (SAEP 1998). Health consultants have predicted that by the year 2020, half of Namibia's population would have serious health problems, a figure that would rise to 80 percent by 2050 due to health hazards caused by the mines (SAEP 1998).

The severe environmental impacts of mining activities in the region have recently induced some of the member countries such as South Africa to review their mineral policies to give attention to the environment as an integral part of the whole mining industry. According to the Mining annual report of SADC (1998), South Africa's mineral policy is currently under review by all stakeholders. South Africa has made some changes to mining legislation that address administration and environmental matters and has also embarked on research on safety measures. South Africa's Mine Health Safety Act came into force in 1996. All the other member states are in the process of reviewing their environmental legislation where due consideration is given to the mining sector (SADC 1998).

In Zambia, a detailed hydro-geological study of the Kafue River, a major tributary of the Zambezi River is being undertaken (SADC 1997). The research component focuses on the Kafue River drainage basin of the copper belt mining area of Zambia (SADC 1997). Lelea University of Technology of Sweden is carrying out the study, in collaboration with the University of Zambia. Some preliminary results according to the report show that the concentrations of both major and trace elements such as mercury, lead, nickel and copper are elevated as the Kafue River enters the mining area. Also, previous assessments of the major element concentrations in the Kafue River have shown that trace elements are significantly higher than corresponding values in the Zambezi River. Regarding air pollution, the report indicates that in Zambia the total sulphur dioxide (SO₂) emissions from the Nkana and Mufulira Smelter and Roaster plant at Chambishi exceed 250,000 tonnes per year.

However, in recognition of the various environmental problems caused by the activities of the mining sector, SADC has initiated a number of environmental impact assessments/evaluations through its environmental sub-sector that are of benefit to all member countries. There are currently about six on-going major projects under the environmental sub-sector, which include:

(a) the environmental impact of the mining and related industries on the water quality of the rivers of the Zambezi basin;

(b) air pollution from mines emission in the SADC region; and

(c) investigation of the pollution, river bank degradation and siltation caused by small-scale mining and the use of mercury and cyanide ( SADC 1998).

The major constraints currently faced by the organisation in implementing these projects are lack of elaborate and consistent funding structures, and lack of infrastructure and equipment in member states which have resulted in lack of data and hence a slow pace in execution of projects. In order to address some of the problems, SADC has appealed to UNIDO for assistance. The latter has expressed interest to assist in capacity-building and training of experts in water monitoring.

Although, SADC has contributed towards the promotion and development of the mining sector since its establishment in 1990, its efforts in environmental protection and management in the mining sector have not been enough, particularly in the area of environmental legislation and regulations in member countries. For example, as at present, SADC has not been able to formulate any comprehensive environmental regulatory framework for mining. Also, the lack of elaborate and consistent funding structure as well as infrastructure and equipment constraints have contributed to the inadequate performance of SADC's environmental sub-sector in environmental protection, mitigation, impacts evaluations, auditing, and research (SADC 1998). It is worth noting that some efforts have been put in place by member countries in terms of environmental impact assessment requirements for major development projects such as mining by governments or donor agencies such as the World Bank. However, there is the need to ensure proper implementation and enforcement of those regulations and legislation. It is clear from the discussion so far that, the environmental considerations by SADC as well as at member country level have not been taken very seriously even though some efforts are being made to address the problems. The economic gains from the investments in the industry have overridden the environmental protection measures that need to be taken to safeguard the environment from severe degradation.

6. Mining and the Environment in Botswana

The mining sector in Botswana is the backbone of the economy. Investigations of the nature of its impacts on the environment have not been well documented. Very little research has been carried out on the environmental impacts of mining in the country. The few studies available mainly concentrate on the economic benefits. Attention has always been on the economic contribution of the sector to the general economic growth of the country as it satisfies the government's national development principle of "rapid economic growth and sustained development" (Government of Botswana 1998).

Mazonde (1986) has examined the political economy of the copper and nickel mining in Botswana, and notes that the industry economically benefits the developed world more than Botswana itself. According to Mazonde, the shareholders outside benefit substantially since the bulk of the ores are not processed locally as a result of poor market for mineral output, lack of technology, lack of skilled manpower and infrastructure. However, Mazonde's paper limits itself to only economic benefits without going further to discuss some of the environmental impacts of the mining industries in the country.

The annual reports of the Ministry of Mineral Resources and Water Affairs and the Department of Mines have information on annual mineral production and revenue levels, with sporadic mention of air pollution levels in the mining areas. There has not been any comprehensive research on the impacts of these activities on the environment and the people within these areas. Annual reports of the mines, particularly, those of the BCL are limited to production activities and financial difficulties faced by the company. They also give an indication of how the mine is operating within the environmental guidelines of the company. However, the company has done very limited studies on the sulphur dioxide pollution of soils and vegetation in the area. The mining companies such as the Debswana Diamond Company Limited do their own environmental impact assessment on a voluntary basis using their own convenient standards, although whether those standards are acceptable to the government and the people of Botswana is another question to answer.

There is an on-going effort by the Botswana government through the National Conservation Strategy Agency to put in place a holistic environmental legislation to address the rapid deterioration of the environment in the country resulting from diverse human activities including mining (SADC 1998). The government has created an enabling environment for communities, private sectors and non-governmental organisations to participate in environmental matters in the country. There is also an on-going effort by the Botswana government through the National Conservation Strategy Agency to reform the environmental legislation in the country (SADC 1998). With the exception of the Waste Management Act of 1998, which was promulgated in December 1998, the other important Acts such as the Environmental Impact Assessment Act are still at various stages of drafting and will be presented to Parliament (Government of Botswana 1998; SADC 1998; National Conservation Strategy 1998). This problem is not only peculiar to Botswana but also to the entire SADC region apart from South Africa, which has a comprehensive Mining Health and Safety Act (SADC 1998).

It is interesting to note that all the national development plans drawn by the government of Botswana since independence except the eighth National Development Plan (NDP8) never had an environmental component, yet mining is known to be the most environmentally unfriendly industrial activity in the world. Perhaps, this explains why the sulphur dioxide pollution is causing severe environmental problems including the killing of trees, human health problems and water pollution in the Selebi-Phikwe area. The environmental impact of the copper and nickel mine in the area had never really been given due attention by the authorities in the past. The emissions were not found to constitute any direct hazard to human life, hence little attention was paid to it until recently when concern by affected local people forced the government to put in place measures to control pollution. Even the inclusion of the environmental protection and conservation measures in the current national development plan does not arise out of any appreciation and commitment to environmental conservation of natural resources that may be adversely affected by mining activities. For instance, the eighth edition of the National Development Plans (NDP8) states that "the objective is to ensure that Botswana's practices are consistent with international standards and the National Conservation Strategy" (Government of Botswana 1998). Meanwhile, the National Environmental Law and Guidelines including the Environmental Impact Assessment Act, as we have noted, are still under drafting stages and have yet to be sent to Parliament for approval. One can safely conclude that there is not much work done in the area of environmental impacts of socio-economic activities in Botswana, particularly with respect to the mining industry.

Maluwa (I998) indicates that there is no comprehensive environmental and pollution control legislation in the country currently. The little regulation there is depends on the application of a myriad of provisions located in various pieces of legislation. Maluwa says that even these legal provisions need to be revisited and tightened up, in order to ensure the effective implementation of Botswana's declared policy of combating indiscriminate waste disposal and water pollution by all development activities including mining. Furthermore, the regulation of potentially polluting activities is widely distributed across different legislative provisions and administrative authorities. Maluwa recommends that relevant legislation should be reviewed, including provisions in the various pieces of legislation which have a bearing on pollution-generating activities such as the Agricultural Resource Conservation Act, Aquatic Weeds Act, Atmospheric Pollution Act, Fish Protection Act, Mines, Quarries, Works and Machinery Act, Public Health Act, and Water Act Waterworks Acts (National Conservation Strategy 1998).

Lack of a comprehensive mining environmental legislation and guidelines for environmental impact assessment, management of post-mining reclamation serve as constraints to proper management of the environment in the mining sectors. In the mining areas, air pollution monitoring network has been expanded to cover areas such as Mmadinare, Tonota and Serowe and a laboratory has been constructed at Selebi-Phikwe. This is to help minimise pollution problems in these areas but the effectiveness of it leaves much to be desired. Therefore, more research and monitoring activities need to be done especially on the impacts of pollution on people's health, water resources, vegetation and other natural resources. For instance, the annual reports produced by the Department of Mines are not comprehensive enough for a thorough assessment of the air pollution situation in Selebi-Phikwe, to be made. The reports just indicate the annual average concentrations of sulphur dioxide at various stations in the country including Selebi-Phikwe (Department of Mines 1991, 1994; MMRWA 1991, 1992). No detailed analysis has been done to examine or assess the impacts of these concentration levels on the people, vegetation, water resources, livestock and other natural resources in the area so that corrective steps can be taken to address the problem.

However, the Debswana Diamond Mining Company (Debswana) has put in place some waste management plans which require, for example, waste oil to be returned to the suppliers for disposal, recycling of wastewater and the scrap metal sorted and either re-used or sold off for later recycling. It has also conducted a study on its activity impacts on the environment in 1992 and 1993, which has facilitated the development of formal environmental impact management programmes (Janzen 1997). It also employed external bodies to carry out its environmental impact assessments before the Fourth Stream projects were undertaken in Jwaneng in 1994, and several of them have since been undertaken. There have also been various environmental management programme campaigns aimed at both employees and surrounding communities, donation of funds which has provided nearly P30 million (US$6.3 million) for environmental and other social improvement projects since its inception 20 years ago. For the Bamangwato Concessions Limited (BCL), few of such activities have been done in its area of operation to assess the environmental impacts of its activities as well as environmental health problems caused to the people in the area.

From the foregoing review, it is clear that the mining industry in Botswana, especially the Selebi-Phikwe Copper-Nickel Mine, has contributed significantly to environmental and natural resource degradation, though granted that it has also contributed immensely to the general socio-economic development of the country. Areas of negative impacts of the mining activities are human health problems, loss of vegetation cover, air pollution, soil pollution and water resources. Other areas are effluent discharges and seepage of effluent from tailings, and degradation of pastures for livestock grazing in Selebi-Phikwe caused partly by high emission of waste gases in the form of sulphur-dioxide (Department of Mines 1995).

In 1995, the Department of Mines proposed some guidelines that should be followed for future developments in Selebi-Phikwe so as to help minimise the impacts of the waste gas pollution in the area. It recommended that the western side of the Selebi-Phikwe Township should not be expanded any more into residential development, but rather into industrial development. The main reason was that there has been high concentration of sulphur-dioxide pollution in that part of the town as various meteorological reports have shown. The southeastern section of the town was recommended for residential development presumably because the impact of pollution in that area was minimal. Unfortunately, the report was silent on how best the environmental impacts of the mine could be curbed or controlled since the long-term effects might be disastrous, particularly on human health.

From the foregoing gaps and limitations in research on the environmental impacts of mining activities in Botswana, this paper could serve as a vital source of data and information for researchers and policy makers as the industry keeps on expanding and growing both locally and regionally. It provides insights on the consequences of pollution and land degradation and possible solutions to some of these environmental problems.

7. Discussion of Field Data Results

As noted earlier, mining activities, such as any other large-scale economic ventures worldwide, have both positive and negative impacts on the human as well as the physical environments, particularly in areas where they take place. The positive effects are seen in terms of employment generation; development of infrastructure for other economic and social activities to take place; improvement in revenue generation for the country where they take place; and technological advancement amongst others. The social and economic effects that are commonly critical are severe human health problems due to pollution, displacement of local people, alteration of socio-cultural life of the local community resulting from high influx of people into the mining area for employment reasons, and land-use changes. The physical environment suffers severely in terms of the destruction of vegetation, soil and water pollution, displacement of wildlife from their natural habitat. The more recent environmental issues associated with mining include use of toxic chemicals, disposal of hazardous waste, accidents, and release of ozone depleting substances and greenhouse gasses.

The socio-economic effects of the BCL mine are both positive and negative. Socially, the effects have generally been negative. The high growth rates of the population due to migration and natural increase of the town and its effects have been severe. Spontaneous settlements keep on emerging within the planning area of Selebi-Phikwe due to high in-migration, pressure on social facilities and incidence of crimes partly due to high unemployment in the town. The economic benefits that are explicit are employment creation by the mine and the other sectors, and the development of economic infrastructure to promote socio-economic activities. The physical environmental impacts are land degradation and air pollution. These effects are discussed below.

8. Rapid Population Growth and its Effects on Selebi-Phikwe Environment

The population of Selebi-Phikwe keeps on growing at an increasing rate due mainly to the high rate of internal migration of the active population from various places to the town in search of cash employment opportunities in the mine, and other sectors of the local economy. In the early 1970s, the town's population increased rapidly from 4,940 in 1971 to 18,000 in 1975 (DTRP 1997). The original plan of Selebi-Phikwe town was to accommodate 17,000 people between 1973 and 1975. However, by 1981 the population had increased to 29,467, giving an annual growth rate of 19.6 percent. Again, in 1991, when the last national census was conducted, the population had grown to about 39,772 recording a growth rate of 34.9 percent over the previous figure (National Population and Housing Census 1991). Between 1991 and 1996, the population of Selebi-Phikwe was estimated to have increased from 39,772 to 44,581, with an annual growth rate of 9.2 (Selebi-Phikwe Urban Development Plan 1 1997). It is further projected that the population will increase to about 50,312 by the year 2001. According to the Selebi-Phikwe Urban Development Plan (SPUDP 1997), the rapid population growth has resulted in more pressure on the existing social and economic infrastructure. The population distribution according to locality is shown in table 4.

Table 4. Population distribution of Selebi-Phikwe by locality in 1991

SOURCE: The National Population and Housing Census 1991.

The population of Selebi-Phikwe has unique characteristics. The proportion of the population below 14 years is only 34 percent as compared to about 43 percent for the total country (CSO 1991). The population above 60 years is only 2 percent compared to the national figure of 7 percent. The majority of the population (65.3 percent) is in the age group of 15 to 59 as against 50.1 percent at the national level. This shows that Selebi-Phikwe's population is relatively young (see table 5). This pattern should be expected as the town keeps on attracting many migrants who constitute a substantial proportion of the labour force in the mine. According to the National Population and Housing Census (1991), the proportion of the male population was 52.1 percent as against 48.9 percent for female. This is the opposite at the national level where we have 47.81 percent being male and 52.19 percent being female. As can be seen from table 5, the total male population was 20,343 whilst the female population was 19,429. In the squatter settlements of Botshabelo North and Botshabelo South, a higher number of the population (5,301) was male and 4,911 was female, respectively. The migrant localities constituted the largest number of the entire town's population which was about 10,212 (26 percent). This shows the extent to which the population growth has been influenced by migration.

Table 5. Selebi-Phikwe population distribution by sex and age cohorts (1991)

SOURCE: The National Population and Housing Census Report 1991.

9. Migration and the Emergence of Peri-Urban Development in Selebi-Phikwe

The rapid population growth rate observed earlier has been stimulated in a large part by migration and its attendant prospects for employment opportunities, primarily in the mine. Natural increase and the provision of physical infrastructure and other social services in the town could also have contributed to it. It is evident that the rural-urban migration into the mining town of Selebi-Phikwe has outstripped the rate at which jobs can be secured in the mine and other industrial and commercial sectors of the town as well as the rate at which infrastructure, especially housing, has been provided. The result has been that peri-urban or squatter settlements have developed on the outskirts of the town. It has been estimated in a socio-economic survey carried out by the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning and the Central Statistics Office in 1974 that approximately 30 percent of the population of Selebi-Phikwe was living in the squatter settlement of Botshabelo by 1973. In 1975, it was also estimated by the Central Statistics Office that out of the total population of 18,000 in Selebi-Phikwe, 10 percent were non-citizens of the town and Botshabelo's population was swelling to over 8,000 (44.4 percent).

In the economic and social survey conducted by the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning and Central Statistics Office referred to above, it was found in 1974 that a high proportion of the peri-urban population in Botshabelo and other neighbouring villages in the peri-urban area of Selebi-Phikwe had jobs in the parts of the town. Several of those outside wage employment in the modern part of the town engaged in various forms of wage employment and productive self-employment in the so-called informal sector within the peri-urban communities themselves. Most of the peri-urban residents studied, had migrated to the area from rural areas of Botswana, with the majority emanating from the nearby towns and villages. It was also found that the majority of the migrants in the peri-urban areas built and lived in their own housing rather than in the modern part of the town. They were educated and those of them who could not find jobs expressed the wish to go back to their original villages, which goes to show that most of them were in Selebi-Phikwe to find jobs. A very high percentage (85 percent) worked in the modern part of the town and mine, some 20 percent in the peri-urban areas and about 2.5 percent in the surrounding rural areas. Some of the reasons given by the migrants on why they did not want to stay in the town included lack of accommodation in town, high housing rent in the town and the desire to build and own their own houses. Some of them claimed they had relatives in the peri-urban areas. With continued rapid growth rates of mining and other industrial activities, migration is unlikely to diminish and there is the likelihood that unemployment and poverty will increase in the peri-urban areas of the town.

The regional diversification development project that was set up by the government of Botswana in 1989 to help market and diversify the economy and turn the town into an industrial and commercial centre in the region also seems to have played a significant role in this respect. The main objective of the project has been to diversify and sustain the local economy of Selebi-Phikwe, should the copper and nickel mine close down due to the unprofitable running of the mine and huge financial debts that the company has been accumulating over the years. The project has attracted some industries and commercial businesses to the town since 1989, such as textile manufacturing, sanitary ware industries, bulk plastics, wholesaling and retailing enterprises, restaurants and hotels. The diversification programme is about ten years old now.

The pace at which the movement of the people is increasing has outstripped the ability and capacity of the town's social services such as housing to cope with the surging tide of migrants. The result has been the proliferation of spontaneous settlements within the town boundary. For example, the squatter settlements such as Botshabelo and Mekorong at the periphery of the town have put enormous pressure on the Town Council to provide needed infrastructure for the population. During our survey in the Mekorong settlement in 1999 (Asare 1999), social amenities were found to be completely lacking. People in the area continued to compete for the limited facilities that had been provided for the planning areas like Newstance and Distance. Sanitation and housing conditions were poor and had contributed to poor health of the local people. The increased flow of migrants had also meant increased expenditure by government in the provision of medical care, housing and other social services.

Though at present, the mine provides some of these social services, it has not been able to extend its facilities to the local population beyond its employees, with the result that a large proportion of the town's population continue to live in squalor, poor health and insanitary conditions. The peri-urban areas are environmentally degraded, with the haphazard spread of shacks and mud houses, and indiscriminate cutting of trees and extraction of earth materials for construction and other purposes. Other social problems such as theft, which have become frequent in recent time in the town, are mainly linked with the high influx of migrants who in most cases find it difficult to gain cash employment for sustenance.

10. Effects of Air Pollution on Human Health

The Department of Mines Air Pollution Monitoring Unit has established that the BCL copper-nickel complex is the largest source of industrial air pollution in Selebi-Phikwe. The emissions are mainly SO₂ discharged at a height of 153m through the main stack. Total emissions from the BCL smelter complex are estimated to be 46,850 kilograms per hour of sulphur-dioxide and 190 kilograms per hour of particulate matter (Department of Mines 1999, 18). The extent of the impact depends on the meteorological conditions. According to the Department of Mines, air pollution in Selebi-Phikwe becomes a problem when the wind is blowing from the direction of the smelter to the township. Data from most of the stations from Selebi-Phikwe stations show long periods of no sulphur-dioxide pollution sometimes lasting for a week, followed by occasional short duration peaks of high concentrations of sulphur-dioxide (Ibid).

One of the greatest impacts is the hazard posed by air pollution to the health of the local population. The common diseases found in the area are cough, asthma, flu and tuberculosis. The respiratory tract-related health problems that are found in the area are, to a large extent, related to the effects of the air pollution caused by the emission of sulphur dioxide from the BCL mine. About 68 percent of the respondents attribute the major cause of their health problems to the sulphur-dioxide pollution in the area. As can be seen from table 6 the most prevalent diseases that people in Selebi-Phikwe area suffer from are cough, flu, asthma and tuberculosis (about 29, 28, 16 and 17 percent, respectively, were reported).

The Chief Medical Officer in the Selebi-Phikwe hospital indicated that the most common cases treated daily in the hospital are respiratory tract, gastro-intestinal tract (viral infections), haematological, and genito urinary infections. AIDS is at the bottom of the list of community diseases reported by respondents as can be noted in the table. The respiratory tract diseases are attributed mainly to the sulphur dioxide pollution in the area and bacteria infections due to poor living conditions, sanitation and hygiene. On average the hospital treats between 150 and 200 patients in a day and out of the number, about 50 to 60 percent are respiratory related complications, according to information provided at the Selebi-Phikwe Government Hospital in 1999. The health problems indicated by respondents confirm with the national health statistics compiled in 1990, 1991 and 1996 for Selebi-Phikwe as shown in table 6.

Table 6. Common communicable diseases in Selebi-Phikwe area

Disease	Community diseases*	Percentage
Tuberculosis	59	16.7
Cough	101	28.6
Chest pain	26	7.4
Asthma	56	15.9
Flu	98	27.8
Aids	13	3.7
Total	353	100.0

SOURCE: Asare 1999.

*Multiple Responses.

It can be observed from table 7 that the number of people who have suffered from other respiratory diseases in Selebi-Phikwe significantly decreased by 71 percent from 1990 to 1996 even though it was the second highest after cough and cold in 1996. In 1996, other respiratory diseases in Selebi-Phikwe recorded the highest figure of 11,621 (37 percent) compared with Francistown and Serowe/Palapye, which recorded 17 percent and 17.6 percent, respectively. The number of people suffering from asthma increased in Selebi-Phikwe from 751 in 1990 to 1,785 in 1996 showing an increase of 159 percent. This is a true reflection of the prevalent health problems in the area as reported by the respondents. The figures for the three health districts are considerably high. This is not surprising because all the three areas are within the sources of air pollution from the BCL, Botswana Power Corporation Station at Palapye (which mainly uses coal to generate electricity) and some of the industries in Francistown.

The communicable diseases other than sexually transmitted diseases (STDs or HIV/AIDS) reported by the Town Council Health Department in 1997 cover only measles, tuberculosis and malaria cases. According to the Selebi-Phikwe Town Council Health Department, for example, the total number of tuberculosis cases reported in 1997 by the department was 333 and 844 malaria-cases confirmed. There is an indication that the effect of the sulphur-dioxide emissions from the BCL mine on human health in the area is high. Air pollution is the main environmental problem reported by the respondents. The relationship between community health problems and air pollution is relatively high as the respondents attribute a high percentage of the respiratory tract diseases to air pollution.

Table 7. Number of outpatient attendance by diagnosis and district, 1990, 1991 and 1996

SOURCE: Central Statistics Office, Health Statistics 1990/91, 1996.

The results compare favourably with other effects of air pollution that have been reported by many authors as shown in table 8 and in the literature (SAEP 1998), where it has been reported that most people have been affected severely by the sulphur dioxide pollution due to mining. However, there could be other causes like bacteria and viral infections or by some other factors caused by probably insanitary conditions in households and the life style of the people.

The available health facilities in Selebi-Phikwe and its surroundings are the District Council Hospital and clinics or health centres found within the town and some of the villages like Mmadinare. These facilities are provided by the Government but managed by the Town Council. The BCL has its own hospital but access is restricted to its employees and their close relatives only.

Table 8. Some health and ecological effects of major air and eater pollutants

SOURCES: Compiled from Smith 1981; Westman and Lewis 1976; Winner et al. 1965; Dvorak and Lewis 1978; Council on Environmental Quality 1976; Westman 1985; UNEP/GEMS 1991.

11. Employment and Income Levels in Selebi-Phikwe Area

The mine has played a leading role in employment generation in the country, particularly within the immediate environs where it operates. The employment generated by the other sectors of the local economy has a direct or indirect relationship with the existence of the mine. The Selebi-Phikwe Regional Development Project owes its existence to the failure of the mine as the main catalyst. The positive impact in employment generation has contributed to the improvement of the living standards of the local people to a reasonable extent.

The inception of the Selebi-Phikwe development project since 1989 has contributed significantly to employment generation in the town. According to the officials of the Selebi-Phikwe Trade and Investment Promotion, about 139 people were employed by the manufacturing sector in 1981. This figure increased to 432 in 1989, before the Selebi-Phikwe regional development project started. With the promotional activities of the project in trade and investment in the region, the number of people employed in the manufacturing sector has increased significantly from 432 in 1989 to 6,975 in 1998 (about 1,515 percent increase). In 1991, the number of people employed was 2,341 and this figure increased to 5,257 by the end of 1996. By the end of 1998, the figure had risen to 6,975 people. The government continues to support the diversification programme in Selebi-Phikwe, especially in the areas of tourism promotion and allied service industries. The Botswana Export and Investment Authority has been established to help expand the programme. Notwithstanding these achievements, the Selebi-Phikwe project has met some challenges and constraints in its implementation. For instance, some of the initial industries such as the Northern Textiles that were to be set up in Selebi-Phikwe ended up in Francistown. The investor changed the location mainly because of the sulphur-dioxide pollution and its implication to labour turnover, health insurance and productivity, among other considerations. One of the biggest employers, Sportline International, has gone into liquidation resulting in retrenchment of about 1,200 workers.

12. Economic Activities in Selebi-Phikwe

There are several types of economic activities in Selebi-Phikwe. The dominant ones are the mining, construction, industrial and commercial activities. These four activities therefore employ about 62 percent of the workforce. The remaining 38 percent are absorbed by other sectors like domestic services and central government services.

There is no doubt that Selebi-Phikwe has attracted a relatively reasonable number of investments in the various sectors of the local economy following the discovery and development of the mining industry. As records show, the total number of industries has increased appreciably from 7 in 1976 to 64 in 1998 (Selebi-Phikwe Town Council 1997). However, the pace at which the industrial sector is growing compared with the objective of the Regional Diversification Project, where emphasis was laid on the rapid attraction of manufacturing industries to lessen dependency on mining, is slow.

It is notable that some achievements have been made from the diversification project but this progress is not a strong foundation where sustained growth can be consolidated because most of the industries currently operating are ancillary service industries. The availability of market for the enterprises from the mineworkers and the population has contributed largely to their sustenance and expansion. In a situation like this, the future growth of these manufacturing businesses depends largely on the mine. The closure of the mine in the near future will cause most of the industries to stay out of business, which may result in retrenchment of the majority of the employees in the industries. The implication will be that the entire local social and economic structure will come to a standstill as has happened in certain places like Zambia where some of the copper mines have been closed down (SAEP 1998). For instance, the closure of the Spotline International, which manufactured clothing in Selebi-Phikwe, has caused about 1,200 workers to be retrenched. The sustainability of the mine has a strong positive implication for the continuous operation of the other economic activities in Selebi-Phikwe. There is therefore the need for the government as well as the management of the mine to explore more sustaining investment opportunities that will help revitalise the mining business. This is vital as the future development of the town's population depends largely on the prospects of the growth of all the sectors of the local economy.

13. BCL Contribution to Community Development

The BCL Mine is not doing well in terms of community development services such as the provision of health services, development fund, and environmental quality programmes for the people in the area. In an interview with the management of the company during the field survey, it was stated that the inability of the company to extend development assistance to the communities is mainly due to financial difficulties that the mine is going through. The mine is operating just to stay in business and also to sustain the large number of people employed.

The community expectations from the mine in development assistance reflect the problems they face resulting from the environmental problems caused by the mine. The most important areas that the people in the area expect the BCL mine to assist in terms of development contribution are health services, development fund, control of the sulphur dioxide pollution and provision of educational facilities for their children. The expectations are reasonable because most mining activities that take place in communities worldwide, apart from employment generation to the local people, also extend development assistance to the communities. For example, the Ashanti Gold Fields, Bilington Bogosu Gold Mines, Ghana Australian Gold Fields and others in Ghana, continue to provide development assistance to the local communities. Apart from the revenue contributions they make to the central government and the payment of royalties to the local councils, traditional authorities and the landlords, social facilities such as hospitals, schools, water and scholarship schemes are provided for intelligent and deserving children of the communities. The Debswana Mine in Jwaneng, Botswana for example, has been assisting the local communities in areas of housing, school facilities, health services and wildlife management and conservation. It has also been contributing to several environmental non-governmental organisations such as the Environmental Watch Botswana where community-based environmental and natural resource conservation programmes have been undertaken in various parts of the country including where the mine operates.

Currently there are no future development plans for the company that seek to provide some kind of development services or support to the Selebi-Phikwe community and its surrounding villages. The mine itself has no intention of expanding its operations because of the weak financial position. The engineering training school that was established to train apprentices and artisans for the mine has not been functioning well recently. The school has suspended recruitment of new trainees since 1997 mainly because of the financial constraints it faces. The school used to recruit about 100 artisans and apprentices for training per year but as of 1998 it had only 49 trainees. According to the human resource department manager of the company, the 49 trainees are the last batch that the school is currently training.

The only contribution that could be mentioned is the initial provision of economic and social infrastructure during the establishment of the town. The central government, the Town Council and other parastatal organisations provide and sustain all infrastructure developments such as water supply, internal road network expansions and improvement of telecommunication facilities.

However, the class of people mainly employed in the various sub-sectors of the local economy including the mine appears to be one of low educational levels or no education at all. As a result, the majority of the people employed have incomes that are very low and insufficient to enable them to meet their basic needs. About 85 percent of the population working in the various sectors of the local economy earn between 100 and 1,500 Pula per month. The situation compares well with the national income statistics where about 70 percent of the households have disposable cash incomes of less than or equal to 750 Pula per month (Central Statistics Office 1994).

The implication of this is that the potential for local capital mobilisation through savings is limited. The ability of the local economy to sustain itself through citizen investments is limited, as local investments are generally low. There is minimal positive trickle down effect between Selebi-Phikwe and its hinterland. Remittances or transfer payments are relatively low. These scenarios go further to support Mazonde's (1986) assertion that the copper mine does not adequately benefit the local people. The question that is then raised is, with the recent financial problems of the BCL mine, which is a major employer of the population in the area, what will be the future consequences if the mine closes down by the year 2008 when its life span ends?

14. Environmental Effect of the Mine

Air pollution in Selebi-Phikwe and its surroundings is a major environmental problem that needs to be addressed. It has contributed to human health problems and destruction of vegetation in the area. The long-term effects of the pollution on human health and manpower productivity can be detrimental and costly, as similar cases have happened in the United Kingdom, America, Namibia, China and some parts of Central and Eastern Europe (UNEP 1991). The air pollution problem has a serious implication for discouraging the growth of local investments and development to sustain the town. According to the Selebi-Phikwe Regional Development Project Office, some of the industrialists failed to locate their firms in Selebi-Phikwe mainly because of the unfavourable investment climate in the area, with the air pollution being a major factor. The investors do not foresee any future prospects despite all the attractive investment packages offered by government.

The destruction of natural vegetation and the contamination of soil are a serious challenge to the sustainable utilisation and conservation of biodiversity of the area. Other living organisms such as wildlife and livestock that depend on these natural resources for their survival are threatened. The fertility of the soil is lost, thereby impacting negatively on subsistence agricultural activities that are undertaken by the local farmers in the area. This is similar to the adverse impacts that the Ok Tedi/Fly River Mining Project in Papua New Guinea has had on the whole indigenous people, the terrestrial ecosystem, wildlife and vegetation in the area (Maun 1995; Darkoh 1996a).

The environmental effects of mining are very complex in nature; mining does not only destroy the existing vegetation on the ground but it also affects the air quality, surface water and ground water, land resources, noise and vibration and socio-economic status (Dhar, Singh and Tewary 1995).

The waste water that is generated by the BCL mine is about 1,277 tonnes per hour. Out of this figure, water used during smelting (fissure water) constitutes about 777 tonnes (76 percent) and tailings water (waste water from the concentrator) constitutes 300 tonnes (24 percent). For the fissure water generated, about 400 tonnes is disposed off into the natural streams such as the Motloutse River, Letlhakane River and Mathathane Rivers, and approximately 300 tonnes is reused. The remaining 277 tonnes is retained in the cooling pond. Approximately 160 tonnes of water from the tailings is reused per hour whilst about 100 tonnes is discharged into the natural environment. The remaining 40 tonnes is lost through evaporation, spill over and leaching (see table 9). It has recently been reported in the local newspapers (e.g., see Mojaki 2001, 3) that following a feasibility study carried out by South African technical experts, a project may be set up to make use of the waste water that has been of little use for over two decades.

Table 9. Effluent and solid wastes generated by BCL in 1998

SOURCE: BCL 1999.

* Tonnes per hour.

Slag waste is generated from the smelter section where the copper and nickel mattes are produced. About 833,394 tonnes of slag was generated in 1998. Again, the total tonnage of 345,833 waste rocks that are generated during mining and crushing are dumped above-ground.

In terms of sulphur-dioxide emission, estimates for the slag trapping and smelter in the west smelter areas of the mine were persistently hig