Margaret M. Ngau
Abstract: In many developing countries, there exist well entrenched perceptions, expectations, stereotypes and attitudes towards girls and women on the role they can play in the community and in national development. In Kenya, the majority of girls and women are concentrated in the unskilled and semi-skilled, low status and low-paying occupations. Women's employment problems originate from their low participation in education and especially in vocational and technical education, particularly in the technically oriented courses.
In 1985, the Kenya government launched the 8-4-4 education system which introduced vocational and technical subjects throughout the educational system. In addition, there are many institutions that offer vocational and technical training courses. There are over 600 Youth Polytechnics, which admit mainly primary school leavers, 17 Institutes of Technology (ITs) and 19 Technical Training Institutes (TTIs) which admit both primary school and "O" level (secondary school) graduates. There are 3 National Polytechnics and 4 Public Universities, which admit the cream among those who successfully complete secondary education.
Despite the government's recognition of the importance of science and technology in national development and parallel efforts to expand the necessary facilities, female representation in vocational and technical education remains low. In fact, there is a steady decline of female enrolment from basic education to technical and university education in Kenya. At the primary school level, female enrolment is almost at a par with that of males, about 48.9%. At the secondary school level, female enrolment slightly declines to about 42.8%. In 1990, women formed 35.7% in Technical Training Institutes. In 1989, women constituted only 23.4% of all the students enrolled in Institutes of Technology. Between 1976 and 1987, women never constituted more than 15% of the Bachelor of Science enrolment in the pubic universities, and only 4% of the engineering students were women.
In a recent study on Female Participation and Course Choice in Institutes of Technology in Kenya, I found that females were not only under-enrolled in the seven institutes surveyed but they were extremely under-represented in the technically oriented courses. Out of a total sample of 811 trainees, only 32 females (3.9%) were in the traditionally male-dominated courses like Motor Vehicle Mechanics, Mechanical Engineering, Water Technology, Masonry, Carpentry, Plumbing and Business Education. Conversely, women students formed the majority of the 373 (46%) sampled trainees who were enrolled in the traditionally "feminine" courses such as Home Economics, Secretarial Studies, Food Technology, Institutional Management, Textile Technology and Garment Making. Out of a total enrolment of 1917 trainees in the surveyed institutes, females were 675 or 35.2%. The traditionally feminine courses are expected to prepare girls and women for their socially set roles of motherhood and home making rather than towards economic productivity and for leadership. On the other hand, the technically oriented courses prepare the participants for both wage and self-employment, mainly in the formal sector.
Based on the recent research findings, the growing literature in this field and the government of Kenya policy papers and reports, this paper analyses the factors that lead to female marginalization in vocational and technical education in Kenya.
One of the main functions of education is the preparation of the youth for adult roles, which include earning a living through engagement in productive activities in the labour force. The individual can participate either in self-employment or in wage employment. In this context, training is perceived as a process which prepares an individual for the opportunities and challenges of living in a dynamic society. Ideally, training should develop the recipients so that they can make optimum contribution to meet the needs of society in general and to their own in particular.
After the Second World War, societies became more aware of the importance of science and technology in social, economic, and political development. Consequently, technical training has increasingly attracted international interest, particularly for developing countries. Many governments and international agencies have, in recent years, invested in vocational and pre-vocational education in the hope of accelerating development. An expected outcome of technical training is the creation of an "entrepreneurship culture" among graduates. Entrepreneurs are motivated by self-drive to innovate, modify or create items and services for sale to carefully identified buyers (market). Therefore, the ultimate goal of technical training in Kenya is firstly to accelerate the country's industrialisation process, and secondly, to arrest the growing problem of unemployment among educated youth. According to the current (1997-2001) National Development Plan, the country aims to industrialise by the year 2020.
Women form half of the world's population. In Kenya women and girls form 52 per cent of the population. In 1992, Eileen Byrne arguing for equal participation of women in education and labour force state "God put 51 per cent of the brains of the world into female skulls, and to be used" (Farago 1992:14). Thus, in the name of fair play, we must ensure that half of humanity has an opportunity of contributing to technological and national development. Besides their numerical significance, women play a key role in sustaining society. The day-to-day existence of a nation and the very survival of humanity depend on women. Their reproductive function ensures a permanent flow of citizens, which is vital for the continuation of the human species. As mothers women attend to the physical and cultural nurture of the family which in turn is one of the indispensable elements of a nation. Thus, women form an important cornerstone in the structure of any nation. The health, both physical and psychological, of their families is the responsibility of mothers.
Kenya's food security depends to a large extent on women's efforts. About 88 per cent of Kenya's women live in the rural areas where the bulk of the food for the nation is produced. In fact, 75% of agricultural activity, 60% of animal husbandry, 75-85% of marketing, together with 90% of all household activities in the continent are undertaken by women (Forje, 1989, quoted in Tsuma, 1991). According to a World Bank Report (1988), mothers' education is the single most important determinant of a family's health and nutrition.
However, socio-cultural barriers in Africa have given rise to misconceptions about the role of women in development. Our traditional societies placed the human worth of female children below that of male children. For example, among the Kikuyu of Central Kenya, the birth of a girl is greeted with four ululations while that of a boy receives five. Similarly, among the Luo of Western Kenya, the drums boom three times to announce the birth of a girl and four times to announce the birth of a boy.
In our contemporary society, half-hearted congratulations are offered to a woman who delivers a baby girl, especially if she has no male children. The case of Njoki, whose eyes were plucked out by her husband in the early 1980's for giving birth to girls only will take years to be forgotten, not only due to its brutality but also because it was totally senseless and inhuman. However, Njoki suffered this fate more as a woman than as a human being. The husband was annoyed with "this woman" who was unable to give him sons to inherit him and perpetuate the family tree.
The culprit was sentenced to seven years imprisonment (after which he came out to plead with Njoki to consider their reunion), while the victim was dismissed from her teaching job by the Teachers Service Commission (TSC). It was only through the efforts of fellow women that Njoki got the opportunity to study at the Thika School for the blind and eventually resumed teaching. The point being made here is that just as in the traditional past, a Kenyan woman occupies a second class position right from birth. This is clearly demonstrated by the way girls and women are marginalized in the education system, particularly in science and technical education and in the labour force.
While it is true that females are generally under-enrolled in Kenya's formal school system, the problem is more pronounced when it comes to technical training. Here, females are not only extremely under-represented, but the few who are admitted tend to be offered a narrow curriculum focusing on the traditional feminine courses such as Home Economics, Typing, Food Processing and Tailoring rather than the pure science and technology courses leading to business management and modern technological occupations. Thus, the skills they are offered tend to prepare them for social roles of motherhood and homemaking rather than towards economic productivity and leadership.
Comparing female participation in technical training with their participation in the formal educational system, the progress of women in science and technology is dismal. At the primary school level, female enrolment is almost on a par with that of males, about 48.8 per cent. At the secondary school level, female enrolment declines slightly to about 42.8 per cent (Ngau, 1991). In 1990, out of a total enrolment of 24,153 in technical training institutes, 15,534 were boys and 8,619 or 35.7 per cent were girls (Mburugu, 1992). At the university level, female enrolment was just about 22 per cent. According to Hughes and Mweria (1989), between 1976 and 1987, women never constituted more than 15 per cent of the total Bachelor of Science enrolment, nor more than 4 per cent of the Engineering enrolment at the university of Nairobi.
Female enrolment in Institutes of Technology (ITs) continues to be low. For example, in 1989, the total student enrolment in 17 out of 19 registered ITs was 5623. Out of these, females were only 1318 or 23.4%. In a recent study (Ngau, 1993), the total registration in Moi, Gusii, Rwika, Siaya and Muranga institutes of technology was 1316 students. Among these, there were 312 females or 23.7%, while male students were 1004 or 76.3%. The findings of the survey showed that women were not only under-enrolled in the institutes, but they were also extremely under-represented in the technically-oriented courses. Out of a total sample of 811 trainees, only 32 females (3.9%) were in the traditionally male-dominated courses like Motor-Vehicle Mechanics (MVM), Mechanical Engineering (ME), Water Technology (WT), Electrical Engineering (EE) and Business Education (BE). Conversely, women students formed the majority of the 373 (46%) sampled students who were enrolled in the traditionally feminine courses of Home Economics (HE), Secretarial Studies (SS), Food Technology (FT), Institutional Management (IM), Textile Technology (TT) and Garment Making (GM). It is logical to argue that the type of training and therefore the skills acquired will have tremendous effect on either employment or self-employment opportunities available to graduates.
Because of their under-representation in science and technology-based subjects, females are likely to become increasingly marginalized and possibly excluded from the mainstream of national development. Development strategies are manifest in constantly changing equipment, technologies and organisation in the development of productive forces.
In order for females to keep in consonance with overall national development, there is an urgent need to prepare, encourage and attract more females in science and technology-based occupations so that they can play an effective role in the socio-economic and technological advancement of the Kenyan society. According to Mazurui (1980), when the West has gone to the moon and come back, the African is still struggling to get to the village. And main differentiating factor? Levels of technological advancement! Therefore, one of the most cardinal development tasks for Africans, and particularly for Kenyan women, is overcoming scientific and technological lag, which stems from diverse factors in our traditional, colonial and post-colonial cultural legacies. The whole of Kenyan society has to work together towards both individual and national development, and in this respect, females should not be out of step with the rest.
Although youth unemployment is frequently explained from the supply side of the equation, it is becoming increasingly clear that reasons related to the demand for labour vis-à-vis the type of skills acquired are evident. The discrepancy between career expectations and the realities of the job market is a contributing factor in female under-representation in scientific and technologically-based occupations. Poor female career orientation by the conditioning agents (family, school and society) has compounded the problem of female participation in technical training, and in particular in the fields that have hitherto been the preserve of men (Masinde, 1992).
According to Keino (1985), differentiation in course choice based on gender is not biological, but is rooted in sex stereotyping the world over. Firstly female trainees may be presumed unprepared to cope with science and technical subjects or lack confidence in pursuing masculine courses. Secondly, the school structure and attitudes in co-education institutions may not be supportive of females taking high-tech subjects. Thirdly, lack of female teachers to act as role models in the fields of high-tech training such as mechanical engineering, electrical engineering, building construction, wood and metal technology, motor mechanics and plumbing, may discourage the few who have the interest and aptitude to venture into any of them. Fourthly, due to the fact that there are very few women in technical training institutes, those who wish to venture into the male-dominated courses may become discouraged when they find they are the only one or two female(s) in the course. Nevertheless, although attempts have been made to integrate Kenyan women into the development process, a great deal still remains to be done if the disparity between the de jure and the de facto positions is to be closed.
Auvinen (1970) arguing for the necessity to have females in the science and technological arena said that, in the automated and programmed society of the future, special talents and abilities will be essential to carry out highly skilled jobs requiring an advanced level of education in mathematics, science and technology. Where women are denied this, they will lose in the labour market. In the Kenyan context, women should stand to be counted in their efforts to venture into these previously male-dominated fields. Because of lack of appropriate skills, females' employment prospects are poorer than those of their male counterparts who dominate the high tech fields in training. The following question needs to be addresse "If economic returns for those with traditional feminine skills are so low, why do females continue to take the type of courses that marginalize them?"
The answer to the above question lies in the following assumption:
Without an understanding of what makes people "tick", there is little we can do to change the way they behave. On the other hand if we can discover what causes certain behaviours, for example, the factors that influence female participation and course choice in vocational and technical training, we have at least some hope of attacking the root cause of the problem rather than dealing with the symptoms.
In a similar vein, Emmanuel, 1982:52 argue
Nobody signs on at a technical school or university in order to help the country import a certain technology. One chooses one's speciality and one's school as a function of a sliding scale of remuneration already in force in the labour market. If young women tend to flock toward social sciences rather than in chemistry or electronics, it is not because they have a congenital preference for rhetoric, but rather because there is an administrative apparatus which absorbs those skills, whereas there is no outlet for them either in chemistry or electronics. No indirect encouragement can induce someone to set out to learn a given trade or to specialise in a particular form of know-how, if the corresponding outlets for it do not exist. It is the jobs offered by enterprises that are seen to be working and whose potential can be assessed that bring forward candidates, women trainees included, to take up the appropriate form of training....
This observation warns policy-makers that providing incentives, e.g. through the award of scholarships, alone may not be enough in itself. An administrative apparatus must exist which puts guarantees on the availability of the outlets, i.e., appropriate jobs for women who become sufficiently motivated to pursue studies in Science and Technology fields.
A number of female students who were interviewed for this study, and were enrolled in courses like Motor-Vehicle Mechanics, Electrical Engineering and Carpentry reported that they found it extremely difficult to get placement for their internship or industrial attachment. Both industries and private businesses expressed misgivings about the abilities of these young women to perform their jobs. The few employers who admitted these girls did not give them the opportunity to practice in all areas required by their institutions. Most of the employers and/or their foremen became over-protective and allowed the girls to venture only into the areas which they (the foremen) thought involved less risk. The girls were not only disadvantaged by this limitation to practice under supervision what they were preparing to do as a career, but the message was clear that very few, if any, employers would be willing to hire them. Irrespective of merit qualifications, it was clear that employers would prefer a male graduate to a female one. This caused frustration and disillusionment among the few pioneer girls in theses fields. Chances are that in future, girls will be discouraged from taking these courses.
Though Emmanuel's caution is important and there is a call for policies to address the issues raised, the family, schools, peer groups and society in general have contributed to female marginalization by not guiding and supporting female youth to make career and employment choices which address the realities of the skills required by the dynamic labour market. In schools, training institutions and universities, the biggest problem may be lack of career guidance programmes and trained personnel who can properly advise students on subjects and course choices that are relevant to their career expectations and job opportunities. Nevertheless, key players in the labour market must be sensitised to change their attitudes towards their prospective employees, and employment policies must become gender- responsive, not discriminatory.
The policy of the Government of Kenya is to mobilise adequate resources to provide equal educational opportunities to all those who qualify to enter the different sub-sectors of education: early childhood education, primary education, secondary education, science and technical education, special education, university education and so forth, regardless of gender, religious affiliation, socio-economic status, race, or any other differentiating factors. However, research findings have over the years shown persistent low participation of girls and women in science and technical education.
In addition to the government's effort, both local and international Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the donor community give support to the education sector, not to forget the increasing role of parents and local communities in the development of facilities and provision of teaching and learning resources. The German Agency for Technical Co-operation (GTZ) is one such NGO.
In the early 1990's, GTZ started to give technical and material support to a few selected Institutes of Technology on a pilot basis. The purpose of the support was two-fol one, to improve the quality of training in technical subjects where most of the material inputs were directed, and two, to enhance female participation in science and the high tech courses offered in the target institutes.
The GTZ five-year programme of support to the selected Institutes of Technology had reached a mid-way point in 1993. Although there had been no baseline study preceding the start of the programme, it was necessary to assess the progress to date, and fine-tune the activities as necessary in order to meet the objectives of the support programme as outlined in the project document. The purpose of the study was, therefore, first to establish female enrolment in the institutes and in specific courses; and secondly, to investigate what factors influenced admission to the institutions and course selection. Finally, the donor was interested in knowing how the material and technical support was being utilised for the benefit of all, as well as for enhancing female participation, and in suggestions on the way forward. The findings related to the last questions are not covered in this report, as they were for use by the donor only.
This section discusses the design of the study, the type of data collected, and data collection procedures. The five institutes of technology selected for the pilot project were Gusii, Moi, Rwika, Siaya and Voi. However, Voi had only just been included in the project and therefore very little material and technical support had been received at the time of the mid-term review. Consequently, Voi Institute of Technology was not included in the review. As stated earlier, there had been no baseline survey to establish the situation in the target institutes before project implementation. It was, therefore, necessary to assess the situation in other institutes not receiving support from GTZ. However, this did not mean that any differences could be entirely attributed to the GTZ support or lack of it. It was also not possible to make comparative analysis even between the project institutes since their prior status had not been established. The aim of the research was to gather the opinions of various stakeholders on the factors that influence female participation and course choice in science and technical education, and solicit suggestions on possible intervention strategies.
The institutes that were not receiving support but were selected for the research were Muranga College of Technology, Kisumu Institute of Technology and Kenya Technical Teachers College. The institutes were purposively selected to represent different categories of institutes above the Youth Polytechnic and below the National Polytechnic levels.
The survey covered seven institutes. The respondents were the seven principals of the institutes, 71 teachers, 130 trainees and 35 parents. Care was taken to balance gender representation where possible. The survey used two sets of questionnaires (one for teachers and one for trainees), two sets of interview schedules (one for principals and one for parents), and an observation checklist on availability of physical facilities and equipment. Secondary data was collected on student enrolment, teacher establishment and distribution of administrative responsibilities.
The principals of the institutes were considered key informants. All heads of department were also included in the study sample. It was assumed that heads of department play a key role in advising students on course choice and the subsequent requirement to successfully complete the course. Heads of department also assist students to find the appropriate organisations for industrial attachment.
Any male instructors teaching in the traditionally female-dominated courses and any females teaching the traditionally male-dominated courses were purposively selected. Both were considered as important role-models for male and female students respectively. It was also assumed that their suggestions for intervention strategies would be more practical - being based on their individual experience during training and on the job. The trainees were randomly selected on a ratio that ensured gender balance in each course. The parents were both purposively and selected on the basis of convenience. Parents of trainees in the "socially wrong" courses (males in feminine courses and females in masculine courses) whose accessibility was fairly easy within the time and financial constraints of the study were selected.
This section presents data analysis and interpretation.
The 7 institutes had 368 teachers, out of which only 77 (20.9%) were women. All the seven principals and 6 deputy principals were males. Out of 36 student leaders, 8 or 22.2% were females. Almost all the women were teaching in the traditionally feminine departments except a few who were teaching Computer Science, Accounts, Agriculture and Entrepreneurship. There were no females teaching the courses that are considered by girls to be a male domain although quite a number of male teachers were teaching Textile Technology, Garment Making, Secretarial and Institutional Management. In fact, the heads of the Garment Making Department in Muranga College of Technology and Moi Institute were males. Very few female teachers and female students were holding administrative positions. Not a single variable showed equal representation. Tables 4.1.1, 4.1.2 and 4.1.3 below present the relevant data.
Table 4.1.1 Distribution of Responsibilities and Leadership Positions
Responsibility |
Male |
Female |
% Female |
Principal |
7 |
0 |
0.0 |
Heads of Department |
45 |
5 |
10.0 |
Dean of Students |
5 |
3 |
37.5 |
Registrars |
3 |
0 |
0.0 |
Committee Chairpersons |
19 |
3 |
13.6 |
Student Leaders |
28 |
8 |
22.2 |
Total |
107 |
19 |
15.1 |
Table 4.1.2 Teacher Establishment.
Teacher Grade |
Male |
Female |
Total |
% Female |
Principals |
7 |
0 |
7 |
0.0 |
Masters (MA/M.Ed) |
3 |
1 |
4 |
25.0 |
Graduates |
53 |
36 |
89 |
40.4 |
Approved Graduates |
11 |
2 |
3 |
15.4 |
Senior Lecturers |
23 |
6 |
29 |
20.7 |
Lecturers |
17 |
4 |
21 |
19.0 |
Assistant Lecturers |
2 |
0 |
2 |
0.0 |
Higher National Diploma |
9 |
2 |
19 |
18.2 |
S1/Diploma Teachers |
78 |
16 |
94 |
17.0 |
Trained Technical Teachers |
79 |
9 |
88 |
10.2 |
Untrained Technical Teachers |
9 |
1 |
10 |
10.0 |
Total |
291 |
77 |
368 |
20.9 |
Table 4.1.3 Department Heads by Gender
Institution |
Male |
Female |
% Female |
Muranga College of Technology |
8 |
2 |
20.0 |
Siaya Institute of Technology |
3 |
0 |
0.0 |
Kisumu Institute of Technology |
8 |
1 |
11.1 |
Kenya Technical Teachers College |
7 |
0 |
0.0 |
Gusii Institute of Technology |
6 |
1 |
14.3 |
Moi Institute of Technology |
8 |
0 |
0.0 |
Rwika Institute of Technology |
5 |
1 |
16.7 |
Total |
45 |
5 |
10.0 |
Women in leadership positions in the seven institutes constituted only 15.1% of the total. If student leaders were to be excluded, there would remain only 5 out of 45 (10%) female teacher leaders in the seven Institutes. Lack of role-models for female students was a major problem both in the classroom situation and in the administrative structures of the institutes. This was attributed to two factors. One was the fact that historically, female accessibility to educational opportunities has been very low, and worse in science and technical education. This has led to the self-fulfilling syndrome of female marginalization. While the male principals argued that females never discriminated against during considerations for promotion and the few who qualified and applied had received fair consideration in a very highly competitive field, the female teachers complained that there was subtle discrimination. One woman teacher in Muranga College argued that principals who actually appoint teachers to head departments hardly ever select women if there is a male colleague in the department. She observe "I have been in this department for over ten years. And whereas lady teachers are the majority, there has never been a female head of department for as long as I have been here. I have served under three male heads of department. The current one" (who had joined the college only two years earlier) is the third one. Then she asked. "What does this say to all of us including the students we teach?"
It has been argued that aspirations are based on the known through exposure. If female students see women instructors teaching only the so-called soft courses and the majority of them remaining in the low ranks of the structure, they cannot be to expected to aspire anything radically different. In order to improve the situation, 4 of the 7 deans of students (57.1%) and 28 of the 50 heads of departments (56%) concurred that there was a need for gender sensitisation targeting ministry officials, the principals of training institutes and the teachers.
Apart from parents and members of the family, schools are the next most important socialising agents which shape the career aspirations of their charges. At home, it is the mother who exerts the greatest influence on growing children and particularly on their daughters. Where the mothers are themselves illiterate or semi-literate, as is frequently the case in many countries in the continent, and schools fail to provide adequate professional career guidance, girls' aspirations are definitely oriented towards low status careers. This outcome was demonstrated by the way female students selected their courses in the seven institutes surveyed. Over 70% of the female students said they had been `told' what courses to take by their parents or close relatives. On the other hand, 87% of the male students reported that they had influenced their choice of course - that their parents helped them to select a course that related to their future career choice. The principal of Rwika Institute reported one case of a parent who was willing to pay fees for his daughter only if she took Clothing and Textiles although the girl wanted to take Carpentry and Joinery. The principal had to look for a sponsor for the girl to enable her to take the course of her choice. Two years later, after the girl had been performing at the top of her class, the father changed his attitude and actually agreed to pay the fees for her. When this parent was interviewed, he explained his earlier stand by lack of guidance and lack of exposure. He said he had never seen a woman carpenter and therefore he never thought his daughter would be hired by anyone. He did not want "to invest all that money on a dead-end career." Since the daughter had been on attachment in one of the largest workshops in Embu town, he was sure she would get a job after her training.
Table 4.2.1 Courses Popular with Females
ENROLMENT | |||
Course Name |
Male |
Female |
% Female |
Secretarial/Copy Typist |
2 |
75 |
97.4 |
Institution Management |
11 |
162 |
93.6 |
Garment Making/Textile Technology |
10 |
113 |
91.9 |
Total |
23 |
350 |
93.8 |
Table 4.2.2 Courses Unpopular with Females
ENROLMENT | |||
Course Name |
Male |
Female |
% Female |
Mechanical Engineering |
135 |
3 |
2.2 |
Motor-vehicle Mechanics |
187 |
3 |
1.6 |
Masonry/Brick-laying |
110 |
2 |
1.8 |
Electrical Engineering |
242 |
11 |
7.2 |
Plumbing |
78 |
7 |
8.2 |
Carpentry and Joinery |
27 |
6 |
18.2 |
Total |
779 |
32 |
3.9 |
Table 4.2.3 Neutral Courses
ENROLMENT | |||
Course Name |
Male |
Female |
% Female |
Agriculture |
62 |
60 |
49.2 |
Business Administration |
160 |
118 |
42.4 |
Banking and Finance |
37 |
25 |
40.3 |
Accounting |
35 |
21 |
37.5 |
Lab Science/Applied Science |
44 |
44 |
36.2 |
KATC |
99 |
43 |
30.3 |
Applied Statistics |
103 |
1 |
25.0 |
Total |
440 |
293 |
39.9 |
During this survey teachers were asked to list courses according to their potential to assist graduates in starting income-generating activities or offer better prospects for wage employment. The teachers' responses are given below:
Table 4.2.4 Courses that Offer Better Prospects for Self or Wage Employment
Course Name |
No. of Teachers |
Percentage |
Carpentry and Joinery |
33 |
45.2 |
Motor-Vehicle Mechanic |
21 |
28.8 |
Masonry |
11 |
15.1 |
Accounts |
5 |
6.8 |
Garment Making |
3 |
4.1 |
Teachers explained their responses as follows. While it is possible to make or repair furniture and cars with very few and cheap basic tools, one needs to be employed as a secretary or invest heavily as a tailor or clothes' designer. Those who live in rural areas (and the majority of the trainees were) could easily get small construction jobs. It was felt that accountants in rural market centres could freelance and assist small traders with their business accounts. Among the courses selected, it was only garment making which was popular with female students.
Female graduates are further disadvantaged because it is difficult for them to qualify for credit to establish a business. Bank loans are secured on collateral, mainly a land title deed or other fixed assets. Since in patriarchal systems it is mainly the men that own these, female graduates have nothing to offer to secure a loan.
Society has, through the socialisation process, established specific roles for males and females. Formal education and training is the modern strategy for preparing the youth for their future roles in society. Female students in institutes of technology are expected to take courses that will prepare them for appropriate occupations. Many parents, some teachers and a number of female and male students did not think a female student should be allowed, let alone be encouraged to enrol in courses that have been the preserve of males. Sometimes traditional beliefs and taboos are invoked whenever necessary to discourage girls from taking certain courses.
For example, in Gusii we were told that girls were discouraged from training in Masonry because it was a taboo for women to climb on top of a house. In Moi Institute, we were told that girls were discouraged from taking Electrical Installation courses because among the Luo, women were not supposed to climb on trees or poles. Many African communities still have strong beliefs in taboos. To break such taboos is to invite some kind of divine punishment. Where such beliefs are strong for example, a house built by a woman must be burnt down.
Traditions die hard and the ones mentioned above are no exception. While things are changing slowly, there are some people who still take such beliefs seriously. The principals of the institutes where female students were taking the traditionally masculine courses of MVM, Mechanical Engineering, Masonry, Carpentry & Joinery and Electrical Installation had problems placing them for industrial attachment. One student (the only one) in Gusii Institute who was doing Masonry said she had been attached to the Ministry of Public Works, where she was given very few opportunities to have hands-on experience. She was about to complete her course, but she had never had a chance to roof a house. According to other female students in these fields who had been on attachments, men in the industries either did not take them seriously and therefore gave them less challenging work than that given to their male counterparts, or they sympathised with them and assigned them the less risky jobs while other foremen treated them like pets for display in the workshops. Although the girls did not like this, and they asked for more challenging assignments that would expose them to the realities of their future careers, they were not listened to. This is exactly what happened to two highly qualified Motor Vehicle Mechanical Engineers who where trained and later employed by Marshals Company in Nairobi. Instead of assigning the two qualified engineers in their area of specialisation, they were both assigned to work at the reception (Daily Nation, August 1, 1993).
The few girls who were found taking courses in MVM, Masonry, Mechanical Engineering, Carpentry & Joinery, Plumbing and Metal Fabrication complained that they were often viewed as abnormal, particularly by fellow trainees and sometimes by their teachers. Male students argued that females in these courses were wasting their time since no company wanted to employ them because they (females) were weak. Fellow female students thought these courses were dirty and since they involved the use of muscle power, they were not appropriate for ladies. Some of the interviewees wondered whether their colleagues in the male-suited courses were hoping to attract decent men for marriage. One female trainee at Moi Institute wondered aloud about her colleague who was enrolled in MVM: "What if she develops biceps like a man because she is constantly lifting heavy car parts? Does she think any man would be interested in a woman like that? Her hands are very rough and greasy these days." This is the common attitude about women. They must maintain certain feminine features because they have to be attractive to men, for marriage must be their ultimate goal in life.
The findings of this survey replicated what others in the field of technical education had earlier established. For example, a survey by Kirea (1991) revealed dismal representation of female students in the traditionally male-dominated courses. Her findings are summarised in the following tables:
Table 4.3.1 Student Enrolment at Jomo Kenyatta University College of Agriculture and Technology (JKUCAT)
Year | ||||||
Course |
1986 |
1987 |
1988 | |||
Male |
Female |
Male |
Female |
Male |
Female | |
Agriculture Engineering |
35 |
3 |
43 |
3 |
40 |
9 |
Motor Vehicle |
15 |
0 |
14 |
0 |
13 |
0 |
Radio/T.V Electronics |
11 |
2 |
10 |
5 |
10 |
5 |
Building Technology |
15 |
0 |
14 |
3 |
17 |
0 |
Total |
76 |
5 |
81 |
11 |
80 |
14 |
Source: Kirea, 1991
Table 4.3.2 Kenya Polytechnic Student Enrolment
Course |
Year | |||||
1986 |
1987 |
1988 | ||||
Male |
Female |
Male |
Female |
Male |
Female | |
Building & Civil Eng. |
515 |
18 |
505 |
19 |
460 |
25 |
Electrical/ Electricity |
633 |
15 |
479 |
13 |
309 |
10 |
Mechanical Engineering |
697 |
5 |
483 |
1 |
411 |
1 |
Business Studies |
490 |
382 |
419 |
300 |
282 |
244 |
Graphic Art |
223 |
61 |
228 |
69 |
342 |
62 |
Total |
2558 |
482 |
2114 |
403 |
1804 |
342 |
Source: Kirea, 1991.
From the three tables, it is clear that social stereotypes do not affect girls/women only. Enrolment of girls in the courses (roles) traditionally regarded as male preserves was quite minimal. Similarly, enrolment of males in the courses that have been traditionally regarded as female preserves was minimal, too. It is important to note that male students were in fact the majority in all the other courses. These are the courses that are regarded as neutral. Because female students are generally under-represented in vocational and technical education, they are fewer in the neutral courses, too.
Table 4.3.3 Technical Training Institutes Student Enrolment
Year | ||||
Course |
1986 |
1988 | ||
Male |
Female |
Male |
Female | |
Clothing and Textile |
7 |
106 |
0 |
91 |
Secretarial |
24 |
173 |
0 |
103 |
Electrical |
29 |
1 |
41 |
3 |
Mechanical |
53 |
5 |
46 |
3 |
Agricultural Mech. |
51 |
1 |
35 |
1 |
Automotive |
15 |
1 |
0 |
0 |
Total |
179 |
287 |
122 |
201 |
Source: Kirea, 1991.
During this survey of Institutes of Technology, teachers were asked to explain why there was a clear split in the distribution of students in various courses. With respect to the courses popular with girls, 49 of the teachers (67.1%) said girls liked them because they were socialised to believe they were feminine and led to socially acceptable occupations. The male students shied away from these courses because they were, on the other hand, socialised to take occupations that were tough and challenging. Those who ventured into the feminine courses risked being labelled as abnormal and vice versa for girls. When the teachers were verbally challenged about the thousands of professional male tailors, designers and chief chefs in major hotels, they all admitted that what was commercialised (wage payment was involved) was acceptable to men. I was reminded that the chief chefs hardly ever prepared a family meal unless the wife was sick or it was on a special occasion, and that the tailors hardly ever made clothes for their wives and children.
Regarding the courses that are not popular with girls, 24 of the teachers (32.8%) said the girls themselves thought the courses were dirty and that they involved heavy manual work. Since girls have been socialised to regard themselves as the weaker sex, they automatically disqualify themselves from these courses. Girls see themselves as delicate and prefer courses that will lead to white-collar jobs either in offices or as supervisors in workshops.
As a follow-up to this line of argument, teachers noted that female enrolment in diploma-level courses was increasing rapidly. The explanation was that diploma graduates expected to work in supervisory positions rather than as workshop technicians.
The teachers were, however, quick to note that the few girls who had ventured into the male-dominated courses were in fact doing as well, if not better, than their male classmates in both theoretical and practical work. In the sample of 71 teachers, 41 were teaching technical courses. Out of the forty one, 25 teachers (60.9%) said that the few female students they had taught performed as well as their male classmates and they reported that female students were more keen and spent a lot of time in the workshops. Ten teachers (24.4%) said their female students out-performed the male students in both theoretical and practical courses. The remaining six teachers (14.6%) did not give a comparative analysis of female/male student performance.
It is important to note that none of the forty-one teachers complained about female performance in traditionally male courses. It can be safely argued that the split in course choice is therefore not based on ability. This corroborates what Keino (1985) observed. Discrimination in course selection and allocation is not biological. This gender bias is based on socially constructed stereotypes.
When administrators were asked how students were helped/guided in selection of courses, 30 out of 50 department heads (60%) said they played no role at all. This was because they believed that their responsibilities were to ensure that their departments were allocated the necessary resources - material and human, managing the resources and ensuring that quality teaching took place. Only 15 of the department heads (30%) said they helped students who wanted to change courses make an appropriate choice and assisted them through the change process. On the other hand, all the deans of students said they received requests from students who wanted to take other courses after admission. However, it was observed that changes were allowed if the student met the cluster requirements of the course, and if the receiving department had a vacancy. It was argued that the problem of course choice had its base at the secondary school level where students should be carefully guided to select subjects that were in line with their career aspirations, and should also be encouraged to work hard in those subjects so as to attain the expected grades for admission into various tertiary institutions. This issue was amplified by the principals who said they had a very difficult time selecting students purely on academic merit because many did not meet subject cluster requirements for technical courses. According to the principals, girls were most disadvantaged because they did not do well in mathematics and sciences though they had very good grades in English.
Since the early 1970s when the first Institute of Technology was established, fees (tuition, boarding, and examination) and other charges have increased tremendously. Many institutes charged between Kshs. 1,000 and 2,000 per year when they first started. In 1993, many were charging between Kshs. 11,000 and 15,000 per year excluding examination fees. Currently (1998), many institutes charge between Ksh. 20,000 and 25, 000 per year. The increasing financial burden has affected girls more than boys as, parents have to make hard choices in the distribution of meagre family resources. The expectation that girls will eventually marry off and leave the household, and therefore parents will not get returns from their investment discourages them from investing in daughters. When the situation is critical, some parents force their daughters to be married against their will so that the dowry paid can be used to educate their brothers.
Parents were asked to say how they would arrange their children's education in case the family had severe financial difficulties. Out of the 35 parents only 9 of them (28.1%) said they would ask a boy child (either in primary or secondary school) to temporarily leave school until the daughter completed her training, while 20 of them (57.1%) said the daughter would have to leave college to allow the other children to continue. Only 6 parents (17.1%) said they did not see the possibility of any of their children withdrawing from school, indicating that they were financially capable.
In this survey, female students were asked whether they knew of another female student who had dropped-out of an Institute of Technology due to lack of fees. 45 of them (34%) responded that they knew of such a student. This number was higher than the 41 female colleagues (31.5%) who knew others who had dropped out because of marriage and/or pregnancy. No student knew of a female trainee who had been discontinued because they failed their examinations.
In addition to financial constraints, the perceived link between education and employment in an economic system in which males have better prospects for wage jobs in the formal sector may provide additional considerations for educating sons ahead of daughters. Moreover, when there are overriding family tasks such as looking after young children or food preparation, it is usually the girls who are withdrawn from school.
Many families regard education, particularly at the tertiary level, as an economic investment which must yield economic returns. While one would like to argue that the purpose of technical training is to provide skills that graduates can apply in self-employment, the idea has not sold very well with the public. Sifuna (1992), in his assessment of the impact of the 8:4:4 system of education, found that only a small fraction of school levers want to end up as farmers or craftsmen and craftswomen (Nation newspaper, August 1992).
Despite this, for graduates to start self-employment enterprises, they need capital and some work experience under the supervision of an experienced artisan. College graduates, unlike on-the-job trainees (apprentices or Jua Kali artisans), have less experience in market operations and lack the necessary capital. Since they own no property as security, acquiring a bank loan, even from those banks that specifically deal with small-scale enterprises, is an up-hill battle for the novice.
The problem of unemployment was seen to be critical for female students because, firstly, parents are not willing to let their daughters move out of their sight (from the village to town/market centre), or to live on their own in the process of starting and running a business. Secondly, females are considered as insecure borrowers by many financial institutions. Also, the majority of females have nothing to give as security while sons can be allowed to use their fathers' land title deeds and other fixed assets.
Parents were asked to give the occupation they preferred for their daughters after training and 25 of them (71.4%) said Salaried Employment. Only 7 parents (20%) said they would encourage their daughters to start a business, while three parents (8.6%) said they would leave their daughters to decide.
All the seven Institutes of Technology visited were co-educational. While this is good since it allows young men and women to understand each other better, many female students expressed fear because of the poor security arrangements in the institutes.
Twenty-three (65.7%) of the interviewed parents said insecurity in the institutes was a major concern to them. Seven parents (20%) said they were looking for transfers for their daughters before the beginning of the following academic year due to poor security in the institutions. Nineteen parents (54.3%) said their daughters had complained about insecurity on campus. Sixteen parents (48.6%) said they would support the Board of Governors if they called for an Harambee to raise funds to develop more facilities and improve security. Fifteen parents (42.8%) did not mind being asked to contribute money to fence the institutes' compounds and/ or employ matrons to live with the girls.
In the 1980's and more so in the 90's, girls and women are faced with mammoth problems of sexual abuse. Though the economic, social and other frustrations could be contributing factors to the increasing number of cases of females who are raped every day, this does not give anybody the excuse to harass girls and women in any way and most of all not sexual harassment. The psychological and physical effects of female harassment in educational institutions are such a great worry to both the students and their parents that some opt to withdraw when the fear threatens to become a reality. The St. Kizito rape and murder tragedy (1991) where over 70 girls were raped and 19 killed by their schoolmates is still fresh in the minds of many Kenyans. The three Kenyan newspapers report at least two cases of violence against women each day. This is encouraged through the laws of the land, which are very lenient on those convicted. In fact, people who are found in possession of narcotic drugs, even as little as one role of bhang get a minimum sentence of 10 years in prison while those proven guilty of rape get as little as two years or even a probationary period to show good discipline!
Before the introduction of the 8-4-4 Education System in 1985, there were very few girls' secondary schools offering science subjects. The 8-4-4 system introduced a wide range of applied (pre-vocation) subjects in secondary schools. However, teaching of technical subjects such as Woodwork, Metal Work, Power Mechanics, Craft Aviation, and Drawing and Design is greatly concentrated in boy's schools. Girls' secondary schools commonly offer secretarial subjects, Clothing and Textiles, Home Management and Agriculture. This narrow curriculum ill-prepares girls for the expanded course choices that are available in Institutes of Technology. This perpetuates the problem of career stereotypes that certain jobs are for men and others are for women. This problem is closely linked to the one of admission requirements, which further narrows girls' chances of admission to the Institutes in general and in Science and Technology courses in particular.
For Craft courses, applicants are required to have attained a D plain aggregate in the Kenya Certificate of Secondary Education (KCSE), and satisfy subject cluster qualifications for the desired course. For example, those applying for MVM, Mechanical Engineering and other Science-based courses are required to have scored D+ (plus) in English, Mathematics, Physics or Chemistry. Those applying for Diploma certificates in the same courses are required to have scored C plain aggregate and C+ (plus) in English and Mathematics and a science subject, e.g. Physics or Chemistry. This admission requirement was seen as a hindrance to potential girl applicant some of whom could have C+ (plus) aggregate but fail to attain the required subject cluster, particularly in Mathematics, Physics or Chemistry.
Out of the 71 teachers interviewed 60 (82.2. %) felt the Ministry of Education admission criteria disadvantage girls because, for many years, girls' performance in Mathematics and Sciences has been poor. When applicants failed to meet the required subject clusters but had performed well in technical subjects due consideration was given to them and the cluster requirement was waived. For example, those who had done well in Wood Technology and wanted to join Carpentry and Joinery (C & J), or those who had done Power Mechanics and wanted to join MVM or those who had done Metal Technology and wanted to join Metal Fabrication/ Welding obtained a waiver. In this respect, girls not given any consideration because none of the girls' Secondary Schools were offering any of those technical subjects at "O-Level".
Studies on student performance in science and technology have shown that girls are not innately inferior to boys. Girls' weak performance in these subjects has been traced to social and educational disadvantages. In Kenya for example, there are proportionally fewer girls' secondary schools that offer pure science than there are boys'. Other than the national secondary schools, other girls' secondary schools have few and poorly equipped science laboratories. In addition, teachers in girls' secondary schools do not encourage them to take pure sciences. Most girls' schools offer general sciences. Even with the introduction of the less discriminatory 8-4-4 system of education, the school textbooks and other teaching materials are those that depict women as playing subordinate roles or in careers which have been traditionally thought to be suited to women. Hence, right from nursery school girls lack appropriate images to correct the job stereotyping, while inside and outside the school, girls get few role-models to help them aspire for the prestigious jobs that are currently dominated by men.
The findings of this survey point to specific factors that influence female participation in Vocational Technical Education in Kenya. The factors can be grouped into three categories on the basis of what appear to be their root causes. The three categories are:
i. Cultural beliefs and practices: for example, inheritance and marriage practices.
ii. Gender stereotypes: frequently, females are depicted as weak, delicate, submissive, etc.
iii. Gender roles: women are expected to perform multiple roles, leaving them with little time to participate fully in education and wage employment.
iv. Girls' attitude to science and technology: girls have been socialised to see science and technology as fields that are suited to male brains only. There is a need to actively de-socialise boys and girls right from their early ages.
v. Family pressures and attitudes both economic and social.
i. Admission criteria which favour boys
ii. The legacy of poor support for girls' education, especially in science and technology
iii. Insecurity in schools and colleges
iv. Lack of appropriate role models at home, in school and in the world of work
v. Peer pressure; everyone wants to conform to societal and group norms.
vi. Negative attitude of industrial managers towards trainees and qualified females in practical attachments and job recruitment
vii. Negative attitude of managers in financial institutions towards women entrepreneurs
viii. Lack of effective school and college career guidance and counselling programmes.
i. Lack of sufficient job opportunities for qualified youth
ii. Current economic difficulties: parents are unable to meet all their economic obligations, including the education of their children. Often the education of the girl child is sacrificed.
iii. Lack of industries in rural areas: the majority of female graduates are expected to live in the rural areas - with or near their parents. Employment prospects are slim. The purchasing power of the locals is very low. Female graduates are unable to establish viable businesses within those local areas.
This report has revealed that in Kenya, women and girls continue to be marginalized in educational access in general and in vocational and technical education in particular. After three and a half decades of self-governance under a non-discriminatory national constitution, and the government's participation in international conventions which have rejected discriminatory tendencies on sex, colour or religious affiliation, the worth of women as equal partners in national development has not been fully supported by action.
The few female students who get admission into institutes of technology are usually channelled into the less marketable traditional feminine courses. Consequently, the majority of vocational and technical education female graduates have less employment prospects. Their idle presence in the villages becomes a strong disincentive to parents and potential future female applicants. This process completes the recipe for female marginalization in vocational and technical education in Kenya.
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